Myanmar

• MYANMAR: ‘The government needs to open the doors’

  CIVICUS speaks with Nay Lin Tun, a doctor and civil society humanitarian worker in Myanmar, about conflict in Rakhine State, the difficulties faced by minorities in the region, and civil society’s work to provide help.

  

  Can you tell us about your background and the work you’re doing in Rakhine State?

  I’m a doctor working in public health, particularly focusing on primary healthcare, reproductive and women’s health, HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis. I was part of a group who founded a civil society organisation, the Center for Social Integrity, which supports communities in conflict-affected areas, including Rakhine State. We’re trying to support people based on their needs, including their needs to food, shelter and livelihoods. Right now in Rakhine State we are providing basic humanitarian support, education, healthcare, livelihoods and water and sanitation services for people in the conflict areas. Because of my experience I focus on providing healthcare and humanitarian support.

  At the moment there is fighting in the north and east of Rakhine State between the Myanmar Army and the insurgent Arakan Army. According to the United Nations there are around 35,000 newly displaced people because of the fighting in 2019, living in camps in Rakhine State. We are supporting these communities and other conflict-affected communities in the area.

  What are some of the challenges minority groups face in Rakhine State?

  In my country there are 135 recognised ethnic groups. The majority ethnic group are the Bamar, who are the main group across most of Myanmar. At the other end of the spectrum are lots of small groups, often in the regions close to borders, who are becoming less and less recognised by the government. Different groups face different challenges. In Rakhine State there are religious, ethnic and social minorities, and they all face human rights challenges.

  The Rohingya community, who are Muslims, have been subjected to a lot of abuses. They are denied citizenship and treated as stateless persons. They are not recognised as an ethnic group by the 1982 Citizenship Law. They are called Bengalis by many in the dominant population groups, because they see them as belonging to Bangladesh. They have their movement restricted and struggle to access education and healthcare.

  Local hospitals are inadequate, so if there is a medical emergency people have to travel to a major city. Before 2017 they could go to the Bangladesh side of the border on a short-term pass and get hospital treatment, but now the border area is closed and they cannot do this. But because they don’t have citizenship and their movement is restricted, it is also hard to go to the big hospitals in Sitwe, the main city in Rakhine State. People can pay for this with their lives. If there is an emergency, the only way people can negotiate to get treatment is to pay a bribe. This happened to someone I was trying to treat for a tumour.

  In another case, a pregnant woman had severe labour pains in the middle of the night. They tried to take her to hospital, but there is a curfew, introduced in 2017 and in force ever since. No one can go out between 11pm and 5am. There are many police checkpoints in the area, and while other villages were okay, in this case they would not allow this pregnant woman to pass. She had to go home. By the time she could go to hospital the next day, the child was already dead. Luckily, the mother survived.

  Rohingya people are also denied education. The highest education most people can get is at high school. They cannot join a university as a full-time student. They can only do distance learning for a few subjects. They also struggle to find work. Most Rohingya people work in farming, fishing and cutting timber, but right now they are not allowed to fish or go into forests to chop wood. Most of the farming lands are occupied by the military. Most people are now involved in daily casual work. So everyday life is very challenging.

  The Rohingya are not the only minority in the region who face difficulties. Local ethnic groups such as the Chakma, Dynat and Mu, who live on the mountains, face challenges, even though their religion is Buddhist. Because they live in remote locations, they cannot access healthcare and education. They have no life opportunities.

  What was your experience of the violence that occurred in 2017?

  What I saw was people living in fear. I saw communities that were afraid of each other: Rohingya people and Rakhine people, the majority group within the state, were afraid of each other. I worked on medical clinics in northern Rakhine State and hired a taxi to transport medicines. My driver, who was from the Rakhine group, did not want to take me to the area. You had people unable to go to the other communities because they did not think they would come back.

  What role do you think hate speech and extremist views played in stoking conflict?

  Most of the hate speech and extremist protest and provocations came from extreme groups in the big cities, and was spread by social media, whereas in rural communities it was more that you had villages of different ethnic groups that were afraid of each other. There was a lot of misinformation spread through social media, and this was viral. No one could know what was true or not. Positive stories and true information were far less viral than hate speech and misinformation.

  In the major cities, hate speech and misinformation turned a social conflict into a religious conflict between Buddhism and Islam. Extremist Buddhist monks turned this into a bigger conflict. Extremist groups spread disinformation and encouraged extremism, with the unofficial support of the military and political parties, in their own interests. People played political games in the big cities, but they had no connection to the villages in the conflict area. Those people were the most affected and they were living in fear, and live in fear now. There is a big challenge in controlling hate speech and misinformation on social media.

  It is much harder for civil society voices promoting social cohesion and religious harmony to be heard compared to hate speech, but civil society is trying to do this. These are messages my organisation is trying to promote very strongly in the conflict areas. But there is a need for more impact, and more efforts, not just from civil society but from the government. There is a need for much more activity that strengthens communities.

  What support is needed, including from the international community, to improve the lives of minorities and people affected by conflict?

  There is a lot of willingness from the international community to support people in Rakhine State, and not only Rohingya people but also other minorities. But the most challenging thing at the moment is that national government and local authorities are limiting them from doing so, and have been doing since 2017. So there is a lack of ability to really go into the villages and directly help people.

  The international community needs to engage with the national government and local authorities so that they are willing to work with them and listen to the voices of local communities and support them in the areas affected by conflict. They need to build relationships with the government, and the government needs to work with the international community. The government needs to open the doors.

  It is all about access – access to healthcare, access to education, access to livelihoods. Right now access is blocked. Even access to the internet was blocked by the government, between June and September. People don’t have access to the means to share their voices. People are also scared of speaking out because of restrictive media laws. They fear they will get into trouble. This is why I try to share their stories. So, access is the big challenge. We need more access by the community for the community. This is why the government needs to open the doors for international and local civil society.

  Civic space in Myanmar is rated as ‘repressed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.

  Get in touch withCenter for Social Integrity through its website andFacebook pages, and on Twitter@cfor_integrity.

• Rights Groups in Indonesia stand in solidarity with the People of Myanmar

  We, the undersigned civil society organisations in Indonesia, and organisations with presence in Indonesia, express solidarity with the people of Myanmar and condemn the ongoing grave violations committed by the military junta. We reiterate our commitment to call on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the international community to abide by its obligations to hold the perpetrators accountable and to protect the human rights of peoples in Myanmar.

• ‘The idea that a certain group does not belong in a country is instrumental in enabling discrimination and persecution against it’

  CIVICUS speaks toSusannah Sirkin, director of international policy and partnerships and senior advisor with Physicians for Human Rights (PHR). Founded in 1986, PHR uses medicine and science to document and call attention to mass atrocities and severe human rights violations. PHR’s work focuses on the physical and psychological effects of torture and sexual violence, the forensic documentation of attacks on civilians, the unnecessary and excessive use of force during civil unrest, and the protection of medical institutions and health professionals working on the frontline of human rights crises. Sirkin oversees PHR’s international policy engagement, including its work with the United Nations, domestic and international justice systems, and human rights coalitions, and is also responsible for managing and multiplying PHR’s strategic partnerships globally.

  1. What is the current situation of the Rohingya people in Myanmar’s Rakhine state and in the refugee camps in Bangladesh?

  The situation is absolutely desperate and devastating, both inside Myanmar, as far as anybody can tell, and in Bangladesh, as the world is able to see on television. Essentially, what we have witnessed over the past six months – although this has been building up for years – is what the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR) has referred to as possible genocide, and what most organisations concerned with international law and human rights have denounced as crimes against humanity. Dozens of Rohingya villages have been burnt to the ground, forcing people to flee on long journeys through the jungle to reach a very precarious situation in Bangladesh. People fleeing have been pursued and attacked with guns and other weapons not just by the military but also by civilian members of the Burmese population.

  In Bangladesh, refugees are living in incredibly overcrowded, under-resourced, and dangerous camps – it’s hardly fair to even call them “camps,” although the situation has improved a bit over the past couple of months. More than 620,000 Rohingya, about half the population, have so far fled Rakhine state, and they have nowhere else to go. So they are forced to stay on a very small piece of land in one of the poorest and already most densely populated countries in the world. There have already been outbreaks of infectious diseases, and given the problems of overcrowding and lack of basic hygiene and sanitation, which my own team at Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) has recently reported, it is possible for infectious diseases to spread rapidly and with lethal results.

  Essentially, the world has witnessed the virtual destruction of a culture, a community and a portion of the Burmese population. Myanmar and Bangladesh have recently reached an agreement for the Rohingya to return to Myanmar, but nobody really believes such an agreement can be implemented under the present circumstances. In the first place, refugees shouldn’t be sent back to Myanmar unless citizenship and basic rights are guaranteed. In the second, the provisions in the agreement involve Rohingya providing documents according to citizenship laws that don’t recognise them as citizens. This is obviously hugely problematic. What’s more, they have no homes to return to, as their villages have been burned, their lands and cattle seized by their non-Muslim neighbours, and many in their families and communities killed. There have also been very serious reports of mass rapes of women and girls, as well as killings of babies and young children, so the situation couldn’t be worse on any count.

  2. Why is the Rohingya minority being specifically targeted?

  There’s a long history of discrimination and persecution of minority groups in Myanmar, not only of the Rohingya but also of the Chin, Kachin, Karen, and Shan minorities. PHR has documented the persecution of ethnic minorities in Myanmar for a decade, and other human rights groups have done it long before us.

  Historically, it has been a problem for people who are not Burmese to live in Burma or Myanmar. There is a hyper-nationalist strain among both the population and the country’s leadership, and, on top of this, the country has lived for decades under a military dictatorship that persecuted not only the political opposition but also ethnic and religious minorities.

  Myanmar has failed to recognise diversity and human rights for all its population. The Rohingya, a Muslim minority in a country that has a Buddhist majority, have long been deprived of their citizenship and treated as if they were illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. Many Rohingya have lived in Rakhine state for several generations, well over a hundred years, and belong in Myanmar as much as anybody else. However, in the latest census they were not counted among Burmese minorities but rather as foreigners lacking the protections that citizens receive under the law.

  The idea that a certain group does not belong in a country is instrumental in enabling discrimination and persecution against it. A few years ago, PHR released a report on the burning of Muslim homes in Buddhist-dominated areas of Myanmar. We documented a well-known massacre in the town of Meikhtila, where police and security officials stood by and watched as local population burned houses and people alive. These actions had long been encouraged by racist and anti-Muslim rhetoric, fuelled by a few very charismatic Buddhist monks that had much influence with the population.

  Before the 2015 crackdown and subsequent crisis, more than one million Rohingya lived in Myanmar, most of them in Rakhine state. Their relationship with their Buddhist neighbours had been tense for quite some time, and outbreaks of violence had been relatively frequent in the past. The current crisis broke out in August 2017, when government forces were attacked by militants and a “clearance operation” was launched by Myanmar security forces in response. Mass expulsion of the Rohingya has since been executed under the pretence of a counter-insurgency operation, with the local population joining in burning villages and killing people. This looks like a very well-coordinated effort between officials and citizens, which is very disturbing.

  In present Myanmar, the situation is compounded by the denial of human rights on multiple levels. We have recently seen a frightening crackdown on the freedom of expression in the country, and for some time the area in northern Rakhine State has been closed off to journalists. For some years now, it has been very difficult for humanitarian aid to reach the area. When a government shuts down access in such way, one can only fear the worst, because it strongly suggests that they are trying to hide something.

  3. Has progressive and human rights-oriented civil society in Myanmar and Bangladesh done anything to respond to this crisis? If so, what challenges have they faced?

  There have been efforts by very courageous individuals and organisations inside Myanmar, especially those representing minority groups, as well as human rights and humanitarian organisations. But it is extremely dangerous, if not impossible, to be an independent civil society voice inside Myanmar right now. For the Rohingya in Rakhine State, speaking up means sure death, and there is no access even for journalists to document what is going on in the area. So, unfortunately, even the most courageous members of civil society have been silenced by persecution.

  In Bangladesh, there are a number of efforts underway, particularly by the humanitarian community, to help the refugees. But it’s not the best possible situation in terms of humanitarian response, either. The fact that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) was not designated as the lead agency has been viewed negatively, although there has been strong coordination between the International Organization for Migration and UNHCR. In any case, the refugee influx has been overwhelming and the early response was insufficient. Moreover, this is happening in a challenging environment, and we need to understand that such an influx of refugees can be nothing but overwhelming for a country like Bangladesh – which makes an adequate international response all the more important.

  4. You mentioned that the area where the atrocities are occurring is closed to journalists and civil society. What challenges have PHR and similar organisations faced in documenting the abuses?

  The number one challenge is that human rights groups can’t get into Myanmar. It is therefore extremely difficult to do what we are supposed to do in terms of properly and independently documenting and assessing the facts inside the country where the crimes have occurred. The prohibition not only applies to human rights civil society organisations – representatives of the UNHCHR and the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar have also been barred from visiting the country. On the other hand, entry was allowed for the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict, who was able to interview survivors and confirm reports of atrocities.

  As we lack access to Myanmar, we have instead documented what has happened to this people by interviewing them in Bangladesh. Thankfully, human rights groups and humanitarian organisations have had access to refugee camps, and this has been critical to documenting the plight of the Rohingya and their current humanitarian situation, and reporting on it. Doing this in the middle of a huge humanitarian crisis poses specific challenges. We are basically interviewing survivors who are desperately in need of trauma recovery, medical care, shelter, food, water, sanitation, and information about their missing family members. We have interviewed people who lost everybody in their families and are the sole survivors; people who have seen their homes burned to the ground, who had family members raped and shot dead, who were shot at even while crossing the river to get to Bangladesh. Documenting these kinds of human rights violations is certainly challenging for the person that is being interviewed, but it is also challenging for the one doing the reporting, because the need is so intense and the trauma is so acute – and we are a medically-based organisation, after all.

  5. What support should the international community offer to resolve this crisis?

  First, what most urgently requires a response from global governments is the humanitarian crisis unfolding on the ground in Bangladesh, in order to meet the most desperate needs of the refugees.

  Second, there is a need for governments of the most powerful countries with influence on the Myanmar government – including China, which has consistently supported the government – to exert pressure so Myanmar immediately stops persecuting this population and gives them the citizenship and associated guarantees that they are due.

  It is important to note that there have been high expectations regarding the role of Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel Peace Prize laureate who is now Myanmar’s nominal head of state, and her apparent lack of concern and acknowledgment of what her government has been doing have been very concerning. On one hand, we need to understand that she has limited control over the country’s military forces enacting the brutal campaign against the Rohingya. On the other hand, however, the international community needs to send Suu Kyi a strong message, since so much of the Burmese population views her as a leader and a hero, and her voice could change the tenor of this crisis – it could turn the population away from prejudice, discrimination, and persecution of the Rohingya and other minorities.

  Third, there needs to be credible efforts to establish accountability and justice. This is critical, given the seriousness of the crimes that have been committed. Unfortunately, efforts to refer the crimes in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court for assessment have been blocked by China, among others.

  Finally, it is also crucial to confront the flaws of the repatriation agreement, so that anybody who chooses to return to Myanmar is able to do so safely and with guarantees for all their human rights, including the right to reclaim their land, property, livelihood, and employment, as well as to practice their religion freely and safely. On the other hand, those who choose not to go back need to be guaranteed the right to claim asylum and find safe haven in another country. Policy-wise, the biggest challenge will be defining what will happen to these people who have fled in such high numbers.

  This will not be an easy crisis to solve. Global politics are not looking particularly good at the moment. World leaders and the Security Council have many other crises to deal with, including the North Korea situation, Iran, Syria, Yemen, South Sudan, and so on. Many of us are worried that people are going to forget about this particular crisis unfolding in a remote part of the world, so it is vital to continue to call attention to these serious human rights abuses and not let the world forget that this is an ongoing humanitarian crisis. As recently as last week, we’ve seen reports of outbreaks of diphtheria, and there are fears of a cholera epidemic, which will not be easy to contain. The long-term solution to this crisis will most definitely require continuous surveillance, reporting, and action by UN bodies, regional organisations, individual governments, and civil society.

  • Civic space in Myanmar is rated as ‘repressed’ in the CIVICUS Monitor, indicating serious restrictions in the freedoms of association, peaceful assembly, and expression.
  • Get in touch with PHR through their website or Facebook page, or follow @P4HR and @susannahsirkin on Twitter
• 5 countries on CIVICUS Monitor watchlist presented to UN Human Rights Council

  Statement at the 46th Session of the UN Human Rights Council

  This Council has identified restrictions on fundamental freedoms as a warning sign of an impending human rights crisis. Five countries were highlighted in the latest CIVICUS Monitor Watchlist, which puts a spotlight on a group of countries where there has been a rapid decline in respect for civic space. 

  These include Myanmar, where a military coup has led to deaths of at least 50 protesters, and the arbitrary detention of more than a thousand activists, protesters and politicians, while journalists are targeted daily. 

  In Nicaragua, there has been systematic repression of demonstrations. Human rights defenders, journalists and perceived political opponents face criminalisation and harassment, and a recent onslaught of repressive laws hinders civic space still further.

  In Poland, months of ongoing protests sparked by a near-total ban on abortion have been met with excessive force by authorities and far-right groups. Laws and reforms which undermine judicial independence and the rule of law have been passed since 2015 and media freedom is under threat. 

  In Russia, there have been large scale attacks on peaceful assembly and journalists during the massive nationwide peaceful protests. Over 10,000 protesters have been detained.

  In Togo, where civic space has been backsliding since 2017, the detention of a journalist and trade unionists and the suspension of a newspaper are recent examples highlighting the deterioration in the respect of civic freedoms.

  The Council cannot fulfill its protection or prevention mandates unless it is prepared to take meaningful action in situations which show such warning signs. We call for stronger scrutiny on Myanmar and Nicaragua to be brought by the Council this session, and for due attention on Poland, Russia and Togo to prevent deteriorating situations on the ground. 

  Civic space ratings by CIVICUS Monitor
  Open	Narrowed	Obstructed	Repressed	Closed

   

• 5 países de la lista de vigilancia de CIVICUS se presentan al Consejo de Derechos Humanos de la ONU

   

  Declaración en el 46º período de sesiones del Consejo de Derechos Humanos de la ONU

  Este Consejo ha identificado las restricciones a las libertades fundamentales como una señal de alarma de una inminente crisis de derechos humanos. Cinco países han sido destacados en la última lista de vigilancia de CIVICUS Monitor, la cual pone el punto de mira un grupo de países en los que se ha producido un rápido declive del respeto al espacio cívico.

  Entre ellos se encuentra Myanmar, donde un golpe militar ha provocado la muerte de al menos 50 manifestantes y la detención arbitraria de más de mil activistas, manifestantes y políticos, mientras que los periodistas son objeto de ataques diarios.

  En Nicaragua se ha producido una represión sistemática de las manifestaciones. Los defensores de derechos humanos, los periodistas y los presuntos opositores políticos sufren criminalización y acoso. Además, una reciente oleada de leyes represivas obstaculiza aún más el espacio cívico.

  En Polonia, las autoridades y los grupos de extrema derecha han respondido con una fuerza excesiva a los meses de protestas desencadenadas por la prohibición casi total del aborto. Desde 2015 se han aprobado leyes y reformas que socavan la independencia judicial y el Estado de derecho. Asimismo, la libertad de los medios de comunicación está amenazada.

  En Rusia se han producido agresiones a gran escala contra las reuniones pacíficas y los periodistas durante las masivas protestas pacíficas a nivel nacional. Más de 10.000 manifestantes han sido detenidos.

  En Togo, donde el espacio cívico se ha visto limitado desde 2017, la detención de un periodista y de sindicalistas y la suspensión de un periódico son ejemplos recientes que ponen de manifiesto el deterioro del respeto a las libertades cívicas.

  El Consejo no puede cumplir sus mandatos de protección o prevención a menos que esté preparado para tomar medidas significativas en situaciones que muestren tales señales de alerta. Pedimos que el Consejo lleve a cabo un examen más riguroso de Myanmar y Nicaragua en este periodo de sesiones, y que preste la debida atención a Polonia, Rusia y Togo para evitar el deterioro de la situación sobre el terreno.

  Calificaciónes de espacio cívico - CIVICUS Monitor
  Abierto	Estrecho	Obstruido	Represivo	Cerrado

   

• Advocacy priorities at 47th Session of UN Human Rights Council

  The 47^th Session is set to run from 21 June to 15 July, and will cover a number of critical thematic and country issues. Like all Sessions held over the course of the pandemic, it will present challenges and opportunities for civil society engagement. CIVICUS encourages States to continue to raise the importance of civil society participation, which makes the Human Rights Council stronger, more informed and more effective.

• Another Wave of Atrocity Crimes in Chin State UN Security Council Must Act Now to End Myanmar Junta’s Campaign of Terror

  We, the undersigned 521 Myanmar, regional and international civil society organizations, call on the UN Security Council to urgently convene a meeting on the escalating attacks in Chin State, and address the rapidly deteriorating humanitarian, human rights and political crisis in Myanmar. We call for the UN Security Council to adopt a resolution to consolidate international action to stop the military's violent assault against the people of Myanmar. The UN Security Council must also impose a global arms embargo to stop the flow of weapons and dual-use goods to the Myanmar military junta.

  It has been nine months since the attempted coup by the brutal Myanmar military. 1,236 people have been killedand 9,667 arbitrarily detained as of 3 November, 2021. The junta has continued its violent assault throughout Myanmar, recently deployed troops and increased its attacks against civilians in Chin State, Sagaing and Magwe Regions in north-western Myanmar, while continuing its attacks in Karenni, Karen and Shan States.

  On Friday 29 October, the Myanmar military began shelling the town of Thantlang in Western Chin State, setting as many as 200 houses and at least two churches on fire. Soldiers also deliberately torched houses at random.

  Save the Children - whose office in Thantlang was set on fire alongside local civil society organizations including Chin Human Rights Organization - strongly condemned the recent attacks stating “the incident is further evidence of a deepening crisis in Myanmar” as the violence continues to affect large numbers of children across the country. Such indiscriminate attacks against civilians and humanitarian organizations are violations of international law and constitute war crimes.

  Following the 1 February attempted coup, Chin State has been at the forefront of some of the strongest resistance to the Myanmar military junta. This has been met with fierce attacks by the military, including use of fighter jets and heavy artillery used against civilians while hundreds have been arbitrarily detained, and dozens killed. Prior to this most recent attack, approximately 10,000 residents had already fled Thantlang as the military junta indiscriminately shot into homes and set off fires by shelling in September. At the time, a Christian pastor who was attempting to put out the fires was shot dead, and his ring finger cruelly cut off and removed, along with his wedding ring. Those displaced have taken shelter in nearby villages and others have sought refuge in India. Many of those who have been displaced have been unable to access humanitarian aid as the junta weaponizes aid for their own political benefit, often blocking access or destroying it in an effort to weaken the resistance.

  In early October, amid increasing deployment of heavy weapons and troops by the military junta, the spokesperson for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights urged “the international community to speak with one voice, to prevent the commission of further serious human rights violations against the people of Myanmar.” The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights also warned of greater human rights catastrophe and further mass atrocity crimes amid the deployment of tens of thousands of troops stating, “These tactics are ominously reminiscent of those employed by the military before its genocidal attacks against the Rohingya in Rakhine State in 2016 and 2017.” Echoing these concerns, 29 Rohingya organizations have urged the Council not to repeat the mistakes it made in 2017 by failing to act on warnings of an impending military offensive against the Rohingya.

  Since the start of the attempted coup nine months ago, hundreds of Myanmar and international society organizations have repeatedly and vehemently called for the UN Security Council to act. This includes a statement from 92 Chin civil society organizations and Burma Campaign UK, who have called on the UK as the “penholder” of Myanmar at the UN Security Council to urgently act. The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar have also called for the UN Security Council to “issue a resolution to consolidate international action towards resolving the crisis.”

  Yet, the Security Council has failed to take any effective actions beyond statements. As the offensives escalate in Chin State, the UN Security Council must act before it is too late. It must convene an urgent meeting on the escalating attacks in Chin State and the overall deepening political, human rights and humanitarian crisis as a result of the Myanmar military leaders search for power and greed that has caused immense suffering. The human security risk not only threatens the people of Myanmar but also regional and thus global security and peace. The Council must immediately build on previous statements with concrete action by adopting a resolution that consolidates international action to resolve the deepening crisis, a global arms embargo to stop the flow of weapons, including dual-use goods, and refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court. The Council must demonstrate that it will take concrete actions to stop the junta from committing further atrocity crimes and posing further risk to human security of the people of Myanmar.

  The UN must not continue to fail the people of Myanmar.

  For more information, please contact:

  • Khin Ohmar, Progressive Voice,
  • Salai Za Uk, Chin Human Rights Organization, 
  • Tun Khin, Burmese Rohingya Organization UK,

  Signed by 521 Myanmar, regional and international civil society organizations* including:

   

  1. 8888 Generation (New Zealand)
  2. Action Committee for Democracy Development
  3. African Great Lakes Action Network
  4. All Burma Democratic Face in New Zealand
  5. All Burma IT Student Union
  6. Alternative Solutions for Rural Communities (ASORCOM)
  7. ALTSEAN-Burma
  8. America Rohingya Justice Network
  9. American Baptist Churches USA
  10. American Rohingya Advocacy
  11. Ananda Data
  12. Anti-Dictatorship in Burma - DC Metropolitan Area
  13. Arakan CSO Network
  14. Arakan Institute for Peace and Development
  15. Arakan Rohingya Development Association – Australia
  16. Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO)
  17. Arakan Rohingya Union
  18. Arizona Kachin Community
  19. ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR)
  20. Asho University Students Association (AUSA)
  21. Asho Youth Organization
  22. Asian Dignity Initiative
  23. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
  24. Asian Resource Foundation
  25. Asia-Pacific Solidarity Coalition
  26. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
  27. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
  28. Association of Women for Awareness & Motivation (AWAM)
  29. Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization
  30. Auckland Kachin Community Inc.
  31. Auckland Zomi Community
  32. Australian Burmese Rohingya Organisation
  33. Backpack Health Workers Team
  34. Balaod Mindanaw
  35. Bangkok Chin University Student Fellowship
  36. Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (MASUM)
  37. Baptist World Alliance
  38. Blood Money Campaign
  39. British Rohingya Community in UK
  40. Buddhist Solidarity for Reform
  41. Burma Action Ireland 
  42. Burma Campaign UK 
  43. Burma Human Rights Network
  44. Burma Medical Association
  45. Burma Task Force
  46. Burmese American Millennials
  47. Burmese Community Support Group (Australia)
  48. Burmese Democratic Forces
  49. Burmese Rohingya Association in Queensland-Australia (BRAQA)
  50. Burmese Rohingya Association Japan (BRAJ)
  51. Burmese Rohingya Association of North America
  52. Burmese Rohingya Community Australia (BRCA)
  53. Burmese Rohingya Community in Denmark
  54. Burmese Rohingya Community of Georgia
  55. Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
  56. Burmese Rohingya Welfare Organisation New Zealand
  57. Burmese Student Association at UCSB
  58. Burmese Women’s Union
  59. California Kachin Community
  60. Calvary Burmese Church 
  61. Campaign for a New Myanmar
  62. Canadian Burmese Rohingya Organisation
  63. Canadian Rohingya Development Initiative
  64. Cantors' Assembly
  65. CAU Buddhist
  66. CDM Supporter Team (Hakha)
  67. Central Chin Youth Organization (CCYO)
  68. Centre for Human Rights and Development, Mongolia
  69. Cherry Foundation (Yangon), Burma/Myanmar
  70. Chin Baptist Association, North America
  71. Chin Baptist Churches USA
  72. Chin Civil Society Network (CCSN)
  73. Chin Community of Auckland
  74. Chin Community of USA-DC Area 
  75. Chin Education Initiative (CEI)
  76. Chin Human Rights Organization
  77. Chin Humanitarian Assistance Team Rakhine State (CHAT)
  78. Chin Leaders of Tomorrow (CLT)
  79. Chin Literature and Culture Committee (Universities of Yangon)
  80. Chin Student Union - Kalay
  81. Chin Student Union - Pakokku
  82. Chin Student Union - Sittwe
  83. Chin Student Union of Myanmar
  84. Chin University Student Fellowship – Paletwa
  85. Chin University Students in Rakhine State (CUSRS)
  86. Chin Women Organization (CWO)
  87. Chin Women's Development Organization (CWDO)
  88. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
  89. Coalition for Democracy
  90. Community Resource Centre (CRC)
  91. Dallas Kachin Community
  92. Darfur and Beyond, Phoenix, Arizona, USA
  93. DEEKU-Karenni Community of Amarillo, TX
  94. Democracy for Ethnic Minorities Organization
  95. Democracy for Myanmar - Working Group (NZ)
  96. Democracy, Peace and Women's Organization – DPW
  97. Equality Myanmar
  98. European Rohingya Council (ERC)
  99. Falam Phunsang Tlawngta Pawlkom
  100. Federal Myanmar Benevolence Group (NZ)
  101. Fidi Foundation (Hakha)
  102. Florida Kachin Community
  103. Free Burma Action Bay/USA/Global
  104. Free Myanmar Campaign USA/BACI
  105. Free Rohingya Coalition (FRC)
  106. Freedom for Burma
  107. Freedom, Justice, Equality for Myanmar
  108. Future Light Center
  109. Future Thanlwin
  110. Gender and Development Institute – Myanmar
  111. Gender Equality Myanmar
  112. Generation Wave
  113. Georgia Kachin Community
  114. Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
  115. Global Justice Center 
  116. Global Movement for Myanmar Democracy
  117. Global Myanmar Spring Revolution
  118. Global Witness
  119. Globe International Center
  120. Grassroots Movement for Burma
  121. Green Party Korea International Committee
  122. Hakha Campaign for Justice
  123. Hakha University Student Organization (HUSO)
  124. Houston Kachin Community
  125. Human Rights Alert
  126. Human Rights Development for Myanmar
  127. Human Rights Foundation of Monland
  128. Human Rights Watch
  129. Imparsial
  130. Incorporated Organization Shilcheon Bulgyo
  131. Infinite Burma
  132. Initiatives for International Dialogue
  133. Institute for Asian Democracy
  134. Inter Pares
  135. International Campaign for the Rohingya
  136. International Karen Organisation 
  137. Iowa Kachin Community
  138. Ipas
  139. Jewish World Watch
  140. Jogye Order Chapter of Korea Democracy Union
  141. Justice For Myanmar
  142. Kachin Alliance
  143. Kachin American Community (Portland – Vancouver)
  144. Kachin Community of Indiana
  145. Kachin Community of USA
  146. Kachin National Organization USA
  147. Kachin Peace Network (KPN)
  148. Kachin State Women Network
  149. Kachin Women’s Association Thailand
  150. Kanpetlet University Student Organization
  151. Kansas Karenni Community, KS
  152. Karen American Association of Milwaukee, WI
  153. Karen Association of Huron, SD 
  154. Karen Community of Akron, OH 
  155. Karen Community of Iowa, IA 
  156. Karen Community of Kansas City, KS & MO 
  157. Karen Community of Minnesota, MN 
  158. Karen Community of North Carolina, NC 
  159. Karen Environmental and Social Action Network
  160. Karen Human Rights Group
  161. Karen Organization of America
  162. Karen Organization of Illinois, IL
  163. Karen Organization of San Diego
  164. Karen Peace Support Network
  165. Karen Rivers Watch
  166. Karen Women’s Organization
  167. Karen Youth Education Pathways 
  168. Karenni Civil Society Network
  169. Karenni Community of Arizona, AZ
  170. Karenni Community of Arkensas, AK
  171. Karenni Community of Austin, TX
  172. Karenni Community of Bowling Green, KY
  173. Karenni Community of Buffalo, NY
  174. Karenni Community of Chicago, IL
  175. Karenni Community of Colorado, CO
  176. Karenni Community of Dallas, TX
  177. Karenni Community of Des Moines, IA
  178. Karenni Community of Florida, FL
  179. Karenni Community of Fort Worth, TX
  180. Karenni Community of Georgia, GA
  181. Karenni Community of Houston, TX
  182. Karenni Community of Idaho, ID
  183. Karenni Community of Indianapolis, IN
  184. Karenni Community of Massachusetts, MA
  185. Karenni Community of Michigan, MI
  186. Karenni Community of Minnesota, MN
  187. Karenni Community of Missouri, MO
  188. Karenni Community of North Carolina, NC
  189. Karenni Community of Portland, OR
  190. Karenni Community of Rockford, IL
  191. Karenni Community of San Antonio, TX
  192. Karenni Community of Sioux Falls, SD
  193. Karenni Community of Utah, UT
  194. Karenni Community of Utica, NY
  195. Karenni Community of Washington, WA
  196. Karenni Community of Wisconsin, WI
  197. Karenni Human Rights Group
  198. Karenni National Women’s Organization
  199. Karenni Society New Zealand
  200. Karenni Society of Omaha, NE
  201. Karenni-American Association
  202. Kaung Rwai Social Action Network
  203. Keng Tung Youth
  204. Kentucky Kachin Community
  205. Korean Ashram
  206. L'chaim! Jews Against the Death Penalty
  207. Los Angeles Rohingya Association
  208. Louisiana Kachin Community
  209. Manyou Power People
  210. Maryland Kachin Community
  211. Matupi University Student Fellowship
  212. Metta Campaign Mandalay
  213. Metta-Vipassana Center
  214. Michigan Kachin Community
  215. MINBYUN - Lawyers for a Democratic Society International Solidarity Committee
  216. Mindat University Student Union
  217. Minnesota Kachin Community
  218. Mizo Student Fellowship
  219. Myanmar Advocacy Coalition
  220. Myanmar Cultural Research Society (MCRS)
  221. Myanmar Engineers - New Zealand
  222. Myanmar Ethnic Rohingya Human Rights Organisation in Malaysia
  223. Myanmar Gonye (New Zealand)
  224. Myanmar Peace Bikers
  225. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State)
  226. Myanmar Students' Union in New Zealand
  227. Nationalities Alliance of Burma USA
  228. NeT Organization
  229. Network for Human Rights Documentation (ND-Burma)
  230. Never Again Coalition
  231. New Bodhisattva Network
  232. New York Kachin Community
  233. New Zealand Doctors for NUG
  234. New Zealand Karen Association
  235. New Zealand Zo Community Inc.
  236. Ninu (Women in Action Group)
  237. No Business With Genocide
  238. North Carolina Kachin Community
  239. Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica
  240. Olive Organization
  241. Omaha Kachin Community
  242. Overseas Mon Association. New Zealand
  243. Pa-O Women’s Union
  244. Pa-O Youth Organization
  245. Pennsylvania Kachin Community
  246. People’s Initiative for Development Alternatives
  247. People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (PSPD)
  248. Progressive Voice
  249. Pyithu Gonye (New Zealand)
  250. Rohingya Action Ireland
  251. Rohingya American Society
  252. Rohingya Arakanese Refugee Committee
  253. Rohingya Community in Netherlands
  254. Rohingya Community in Norway
  255. Rohingya Culture Centre Chicago
  256. Rohingya Human Rights Initiative
  257. Rohingya Human Rights Network (Canada)
  258. Rohingya Organisation Norway
  259. Rohingya Refugee Network
  260. Rohingya Society Malaysia
  261. Rohingya Women Development Network (RWDN)
  262. Rohingya Youth Development Forum (RYDF)
  263. Rvwang Community Association New Zealand
  264. Save and Care Organization for Ethnic Women at Border Areas
  265. Save Myanmar Fundraising Group (New Zealand)
  266. Save the Salween Network
  267. SEA Junction
  268. SEGRI
  269. Shan Community (New Zealand)
  270. Shan MATA
  271. Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation
  272. Solidarity for Another World
  273. South Carolina Kachin Community
  274. Spring Revolution Interfaith Network
  275. Stepping Stone for Peace
  276. Students for Free Burma
  277. Support the Democracy Movement in Burma
  278. Swedish Burma Committee
  279. Swedish Rohingya Association
  280. Synergy - Social Harmony Organization
  281. Ta’ang Women’s Organization
  282. Tedim Youth Association (TYA)
  283. Tennessee Kachin Community
  284. Thantlang Revolutionary Campaigner
  285. Thantlang University Student Organization (TUSO)
  286. Thantlang Youth Association (TYA)
  287. The Center for Freedom of Information
  288. The Pastors Fellowship
  289. The Sound of Hope
  290. The Spring University Myanmar (SUM)
  291. Thint Myat Lo Thu Myar
  292. S. Campaign for Burma 
  293. UION
  294. Union for Reform Judaism (URJ)
  295. Union of Karenni State Youth
  296. Unitarian Universalist Association
  297. Unitarian Universalist Service Committee (UUSC)
  298. Virginia Kachin Community
  299. Washington Kachin Community
  300. West Virginia Kachin Community
  301. Women Peace Network 
  302. Women’s Advocacy Coalition – Myanmar
  303. Women’s League of Burma
  304. WOREC Nepal
  305. Yeollin Seonwon
  306. Zomi Federal Union (ZFU)
  307. Zomi Siamsim Kipawlna - Myanmar
  308. Zotung Student Society (ZSS - Myanmar)

  *Note: 213 organizations' names are not disclosed at their request due to security concerns.

  Civic space in Myanmar is considered repressed by the CIVICUS Monitor

• As resistance grows against the Myanmar military, the Council must ensure accountability for violations

  Statement at the 49th Session of the UN Human Rights Council

  Item 4: Interactive Debate on the High Commissioner’s report on Myanmar

  Delivered byLisa Majumdar

  Thank you Mr President, and Madame High Commissioner.

  In Myanmar, a human rights catastrophe is compounded by a humanitarian emergency.

  For the past year, civil servants mobilised alongside students and the workers’ movement to resist the military’s attempt to seize control. In response, the Myanmar security forces intensified their crackdown on protests, escalating to battlefield weapons against protesters, killing nearly fifteen hundred people.

  Resistance against the military continues to grow and unify within Myanmar, despite the great risk. At this critical point, we call for the immediate recognition of the National Unity Government as the legitimate government of Myanmar.

  Over 9,000 are currently in arbitrary detention. They include human rights defenders, lawyers, trade unionists, activists and monks. Some were taken in terrifying night-time raids. Others were abducted off the streets, held in secret facilities and denied access to lawyers. We call on Myanmar to immediately release all those arbitrarily detained.

  Internet shutdowns and willful restrictions to humanitarian aid prevent much-needed supplies from reaching those in dire need. ASEAN’s efforts to halt the grave violations have failed.

  The ongoing impunity for serious crimes despite clear evidence is a travesty. We welcome particularly the High Commissioner’s recommendation to support the referral of the situation to the International Criminal Court, by the UN Security Council or by duly recognised national authorities, and we urge the Council to seriously consider further steps towards accountability.

  As immediate steps towards protecting those on the ground, the junta must be deprived of resources and arms. To this end, we urge States to follow the recommendations of the High Commissioner to take immediate action to prevent arms flows to the Myanmar military, and apply other targeted sanctions on military economic interests as appropriate; and to encourage businesses that maintain connections with Myanmar military owned or affiliates to cease their operation.

  To the High Commissioner, what are the further measures the Council must take to ensure that accountability and justice can be achieved?

  ---

    Civic space in Myanmar is rated as repressed by the CIVICUS Monitor 

• As the climate crisis intensifies, so does the crackdown on environmental activism, finds new report

  New research brief from the CIVICUS Monitor examines the crackdown of environmental activism and profiles important victories civil society has scored in the fight for climate justice.

  • Environmental protests are being criminalised and met with repression on all continents
  • State authorities and private companies are common perpetrators of violations to civic freedoms
  • Despite the risks and restrictions, activist groups continue to score important victories to advance climate justice.

  As world leaders meet in Glasgow for the UN Climate Change Negotiations (COP26), peaceful environmental activists are being threatened, silenced and criminalised around the world. The host of this year's meeting is one of many countries where activists are regularly facing rights violations.

  New research from the CIVICUS Monitor looks at the common tactics and restrictions being used by governments and private companies to suppress environmental movements. The research brief “Defenders of our planet: Resilience in the face of restrictions” focuses on three worrying trends: Bans and restrictions on protests; Judicial harassment and legal persecution; and the use of violence, including targeted killings.

  As the climate crisis intensifies, activists and civil society groups continue to mobilise to hold policymakers and corporate leaders to account. From Brazil to South Africa, activists are putting their lives on the line to protect lands and to halt the activities of high-polluting industries. The most severe rights abuses are often experienced by civil society groups that are standing up to the logging, mining and energy giants who are exploiting natural resources and fueling global warming.

  As people take to the streets, governments have been instituting bans that criminalise environmental protests. Recently governments have used COVID-19 as a pretext to disrupt and break up demonstrations. Data from the CIVICUS Monitor indicates that the detention of protesters and the use of excessive force by authorities are becoming more prevalent.

  In Cambodia in May 2021, three environmental defenders were sentenced to 18 to 20 months in prison for planning a protest  against the filling of a lake in the capital. While in Finland this past June, over 100 activists were arrested for participating in a protest calling for the government to take urgent action on climate change. From authoritarian countries to  mature democracies, the research also profiles those who have been put behind bars for peacefully protesting.

  “Silencing activists and denying them of their fundamental civic rights is another tactic being used by leaders to evade and delay action on climate change” said Marianna Belalba Barreto, Research Lead for the CIVICUS Monitor. “Criminalising nonviolent protests has become a troubling indicator that governments are not committed to saving the planet .”

  The report shows that many of the measures being deployed by governments to restrict rights are not compatible with international law. Examples of courts and legislative bodies reversing attempts to criminalise nonviolent climate protests are few and far between.

  Despite the increased risks and restrictions facing environmental campaigners, the report also shows that a wide range of campaigns have scored important victories, including the closure of mines and numerous hazardous construction projects. Equally significant has been the rise of climate litigation by activist groups. Ironically, as authorities take activists to court for exercising their fundamental right to protest, activist groups have successfully filed lawsuits against governments and companies in over 25 countries for failing to act on climate change.

  ---

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• ASEAN must step up its efforts to address deteriorating human rights and civic space situation in Southeast Asia

  Under the Chairmanship of Cambodia in 2022, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) must meaningfully address the regressive human rights crisis in the region, including the rapidly deteriorating situation in Myanmar, said rights groups at a webinar today.

  The webinar titled ‘Cambodia as ASEAN Chair: Prospects for Human Rights in 2022’ organised by CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation and Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) discussed the human rights situation in the region and how the ASEAN has responded in 2021 as well as its trajectory as Cambodia spearheads ASEAN next year.

  Eleven months after the coup and eight months since ASEAN leaders adopted the five-point consensus, the human rights and humanitarian crisis continues unabated in Myanmar ‒ at least 1,200 people including children have been killed and 10,568 arrested. The deteriorating situation affects not only the daily lives of the people on the ground but also the human rights and political discourse at the regional and international level.

  Questions remain as to what extent the regional bloc can effectively bring immediate progress to the situation of Myanmar or if it will just be used to legitimise the military regime.

  ‘While we welcome the decision by ASEAN to exclude the military junta from ASEAN Summits, we are deeply concerned about the lack of substantive actions to mitigate the Myanmar crisis. The whole country is now dealing with a multi-level crisis. It is not sufficient for ASEAN alone to tackle this crisis. Therefore, we call on ASEAN to cooperate with the UN and international mechanisms to take immediate concrete actions. Further delays in actions will allow the junta to commit more atrocities and this means more bloodshed for the people on the ground,’ said Khin Ohmar, Chair of Progressive Voice.

  ‘As the next chair, Cambodia has a huge task ahead to ensure that ASEAN unity and credibility is not lost. If ASEAN allows the junta to continue in this manner, the Myanmar crisis will further impact the regional stability and development. ASEAN needs to understand that it is in its best interest to work with the National Unity Government and the people of Myanmar,’ she added.

  ‘We want ASEAN leadership to have a strategic vision and action plan. ASEAN will not be able to implement its five-point consensus alone, particularly after the junta military has blatantly denied their commitment in the consensus. Under the Cambodia Chairmanship, ASEAN must engage with NUG, the United Nations, dialogue partners, and civil society. What is happening is not only a crisis to Myanmar but a crisis to the credibility of ASEAN and threats to security in general,’ said U Bo Hla Tint, Myanmar National Unity Government Ambassador to ASEAN.

  According to the CIVICUS Monitor, fundamental freedoms in half of ASEAN Member States are rated as ‘repressed’. The year 2021 has also shown how restrictive laws have been used to stifle dissent and prosecute human rights defenders in numerous ASEAN countries and new laws passed that would curtail civic space. Further there has been a crackdown on peaceful protests and the use of extra-legal tactics, including online surveillance and smear campaigns, as well as torture and ill-treatment. In Cambodia specifically, CIVICUS documented the arbitrary arrest of dozens of activists, judicial harassment, and intimidation of opposition party CNRP members and families, and reprisals on journalists.

  ‘It is difficult to see how ASEAN would meaningfully progress on human rights issues with Cambodia at the helm. It has become a de facto one-party state after dismantling the opposition. Civic space has also continued to shrink in the country and those speaking up have faced blatant judicial harassment and at times outright violence. At the same time, we need to keep the pressure on them and support Cambodian civil society,’ said Josef Benedict, Asia Pacific Researcher of CIVICUS.

  Under the pretext of COVID-19, Cambodia has introduced draconian measures such as the National Internet Gateway to increase online surveillance. This adds to the long list of concerns including the arbitrary arrest and judicial harassment of defenders and political opposition in the country. Cambodia’s degrading human rights record raises concerns about whether it has the political will to take the steps needed to improve on the human rights situation of ASEAN.

  ‘Cambodia should strive to improve the dire human rights situation it is facing domestically – especially considering the fact that elections are fast approaching – while also seeking to ensure regional peace and stability. As ASEAN chair, Cambodia must rally its ASEAN partners to answer the calls for support coming from Myanmar, and take concrete action rather than hide behind the argument of non-interference,’ said Sopheap Chak, the Executive Director of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights (CCHR).

  ASEAN’s prospects of human rights in 2022 remain rocky and uncertain, reflecting on the domestic situation ASEAN Member States, particularly its Chair, must deal with. Nevertheless, the panelists called on civil society and various actors to keep monitoring the progress, or lack thereof, by ASEAN in responding to the situation of human rights and civic space in the region, particularly on immediate measures to bring an end to the crisis in Myanmar.

  ***
  CIVICUS is a global alliance dedicated to strengthening citizen action and civil society around the world with 8,500 members in more than 175 countries. Based out of Johannesburg, CIVICUS has offices in New York and Geneva. www.civicus.org

  The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) is a network of 82 member organisations across 23 countries, mainly in Asia. Founded in 1991, FORUM-ASIA works to strengthen movements for human rights and sustainable development through research, advocacy, capacity development and solidarity actions in Asia and beyond. It has consultative status with the United Nations Economic and Social Council, and consultative relationship with the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights. The FORUM-ASIA Secretariat is based in Bangkok, with offices in Jakarta, Geneva and Kathmandu. www.forum-asia.org

  Media contact:

  • Cornelius Hanung, Asia Advocacy and Campaigns Officer of CIVICUS ()
  • Communications and Media Programme, FORUM-ASIA ()

  The CIVICUS Monitor is an online platform that tracks threats to civil society in all countries across the globe.

• ASEAN summit must call on Myanmar's military to end the violence and restore elected government

  

   

  Re: ASEAN summit must address grave violations in Myanmar by security forces
  To: H.E. Lim Jock Hoi Secretary-General of ASEAN 70A Jalan Sisingamangaraja Jakarta 12110, Indonesia	CC: ASEAN Foreign Ministers Members of the ASEAN Inter-governmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR) ASEAN Missions to the United Nations Office in Geneva Le Thi Nam Huong, ASEAN Assistant Director Human Rights Division

   

  Dear Secretary General,

  CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation is a global alliance of civil society organisations (CSOs) and activists dedicated to strengthening citizen action and civil society around the world. Founded in 1993, CIVICUS has more than 10,000 members in more than 175 countries throughout the world.

  We are writing to you with regards to the ongoing human rights crisis in Myanmar following the military coup and declaration of the state of emergency on 1 February 2021 and ahead of the planned summit by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on the crisis scheduled for 24 April 2021. As violence escalates, the situation poses a severe risk to humanitarian and political security in the region. ASEAN has both a critical role to play in addressing this crisis, and also a responsibility to protect those on the ground, including the millions of people in Myanmar who face ongoing human rights violations. Further, with elections overturned, the coup has deprived the people of Myanmar of their elected government which is inconsistent with the principles in the ASEAN Charter.

  We have been documenting the state of civic freedoms in the country and are extremely concerned about the brutal crackdown on peaceful protests and civilians by the security forces, which continue unchecked. At least 700 people have been unlawfully killed or extrajudicially executed, including children, as security forces have resorted to violent tactics and battlefield weapons.1 Thousands have also been injured.

  Security forces have also unleashed a campaign of random terror at night in residential areas of Yangon and other cities and towns. They are conducting house-to-house searches beating, arresting and even murdering people apparently at random, while destroying or looting private property.2

  The security forces have also taken over 3,000 people into custody including politicians, election officials, journalists, activists, and protesters and refused to confirm their location or allow access to lawyers or family members.3 Many are facing charges including treason, for causing fear, ‘spreading fake news or agitating against government employees’ under section 505(A) of the Penal Code and other laws, some which have been tightened following the coup, removing rights with respect to liberty and security of person and due process. 4

  The junta has also continued to impose an internet shutdown. Multiple telecoms companies have been ordered to shut off various internet services like mobile data, roaming and public wi-fi for different lengths of time. The efforts appear designed to interfere with protestors organising and to prevent Myanmar citizens, journalists and human rights activists from easily broadcasting what’s happening on the ground to the rest of the world.

  Despite these repressive actions by the military junta, the brave people of Myanmar have continued to mobilise to demand that democracy be restored. Further, on 8 February, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) was formed, representing elected members of the Union Parliament from the National League for Democracy (NLD) and a National Unity Government was formed on 16 April 2021.

  International and regional response

  Since the coup we have seen strong condemnation from the international community with regards to the severe human rights violations in Myanmar. Michelle Bachelet, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has called on states with influence to urgently apply concerted pressure on the military in Myanmar to halt the commission of grave human rights violations and possible crimes against humanity.5

  On 24 March, the UN Human Rights Council adopted by consensus a resolution on Myanmar which mandates dedicated monitoring and reporting from the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights focusing on accountability, and on rule of law and security sector reform following the coup. It furthermore calls for an assessment by the High Commissioner on the implementation of recommendations relating to the economic interests of the military.6

  On 17 March 2021, the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar - created by the United Nations Human Rights Council - said it was closely following events and collecting evidence regarding arbitrary arrests, torture, enforced disappearances and the use of force, including lethal force, against those peacefully opposing the coup.7 On 2 April, the UN Security Council “strongly condemned” the deaths of hundreds of civilians in Myanmar, in a unanimous statement. It also called on regional organizations, in particular ASEAN, to address the situation in Myanmar.8

  A number of countries have also since imposed sanctions against military officials including the Tatmadaw's Commander-in-Chief, Min Aung Hlaing, and Deputy-Commander-in-Chief, Soe Win as well as two military holding companies, Myanmar Economic Holdings Public Company Limited (MEHL) and Myanmar Economic Corporation Limited (MEC).

  Within ASEAN, Brunei, the current chair has called for a “return to normalcy in accordance with the will and interests of the people of Myanmar" adding that "we recall the purposes and the principles enshrined in the ASEAN Charter, including, the adherence to the principles of democracy, the rule of law and good governance, respect for and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms”. Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines and Singapore have all expressed alarm over the killings of demonstrators.9

  CIVICUS believes this summit is a critical opportunity for ASEAN governments to take necessary steps to address the human rights violations in Myanmar. Failure to do so risks further damaging ASEAN’s reputation as an effective regional body that can meaningfully contribute to a strong and viable community of nations.

  Therefore, we call on ASEAN governments to:

  • Call upon the Myanmar military regime to respect the will of the people as expressed by the results of the general elections of 8 November 2020, to end the state of emergency and to restore the elected civilian government. Consider suspending Myanmar from ASEAN if these calls are not met;
  • Call on the military regime to release all individuals arbitrarily detained, including government officials and politicians, human rights defenders, journalists, civil society members; immediately refrain from the use of excessive force and firearms against protesters and respect people’s right to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly;
  • Urge the military regime to allow unfettered Internet access, including on all mobile phone networks and lift all restrictions on access to media sites, social media platforms and refrain from imposing any further restrictions against use of internet;
  • Take proactive steps in providing humanitarian assistance particularly in ethnic and ceasefire areas, including by optimizing the role of ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance (AHA Centre) and ensure there will be no deportation of those fleeing the repression in Myanmar;
  • Deny recognition of the military junta and instead engage with the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) and the National Unity Government as the legitimate government of Myanmar;
  • Urge the Security Council to immediately impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar and cooperate fully with UN mandates.

  We urge all ASEAN member states to address these issues as a matter of priority and we hope to hear from you on our concerns, as soon as possible.

  Regards,

  David Kode, Advocacy and Campaigns Lead, CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation

  ---

  1. Arrests, deadly attacks on protest movement escalate despite condemnation, sanctions on Myanmar, CIVICUS Monitor, 9 April 2021, https://monitor.civicus.org/updates/2021/04/09/arrests-deadly-attacks-protest-movement-escalate-despite-condemnation-sanctions-myanmar/

  2.  ‘The Cost of the Coup: Myanmar Edges Toward State Collapse’, International Crisis Group, 1 April 2021, https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-east-asia/myanmar/b167-cost-coup-myanmar-edges-toward-state-collapse

  3.  ‘Myanmar: Hundreds Forcibly Disappeared, Human Rights Watch’, 2 April 2021, https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/04/02/myanmar-hundreds-forcibly-disappeared 

  4.  ‘Deadly violence against protesters by security forces as crackdown escalates in Myanmar’, CIVICUS Monitor, 9 March 2021, https://monitor.civicus.org/updates/2021/03/09/deadly-violence-against-protesters-security-forces-crackdown-escalates-myanmar/

  5.  ‘Myanmar heading towards a ‘full-blown conflict’, UN human rights chief warns’, UN News, 13 April 2021, https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/04/1089612

  6.  ‘UN Human Rights Council adopts resolution on Myanmar’, CIVICUS, 24 March 2021,  https://www.civicus.org/index.php/media-resources/news/united-nations/geneva/5005-un-human-rights-council-adopts-resolution-on-myanmar 

  7.  ‘IIMM: Recipients of illegal orders should contact us’, United Nations, 17 March 2021, https://iimm.un.org/iimm-recipients-of-illegal-orders-should-contact-us/ 

  8.  ‘UN Security Council Press Elements on Myanmar’, United Nations Myanmar, 1 April 2021, https://myanmar.un.org/en/123792-un-security-council-press-elements-myanmar   

  9.  ‘ASEAN leaders to meet over Myanmar, says chair Brunei’, Reuters, 5 April 2021, https://www.theedgemarkets.com/article/asean-leaders-meet-over-myanmar-says-chair-brunei 

• ASEAN: ‘There is a lack of a consistent approach and political will to address the Myanmar crisis’

  CIVICUS speaks with Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, a globally recognised human rights advocate and the new Executive Director of the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA), on the state of civic space in the member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the regional body’s response to the human rights situation in Myanmar.

  In March 2023, Myanmar’s civic space was downgraded by theCIVICUS Monitor to the worst category, closed, in response to developments including the detention of thousands of activists and protesters, many of them convicted by secret military tribunals in unfair trials and given harsh sentences including thedeath penalty. Some have been tortured or killed. The ruling military junta has also systematically targeted journalists andforced civil society organisations (CSOs) to shut down and their leaders to go into hiding or flee the country. The junta has committed war crimes and possible crimes against humanity, including unlawful attacks, killing and injuring civilians through the use of extrajudicial executions, artillery shelling and banned landmines and cluster munitions.

  What is the state of civic freedoms in ASEAN member states?

  In recent years, there has been a discernible trend in ASEAN toward democratic regression and shrinking civic space.

  In Cambodia, as an election draws near, there is an ongoing assault on civic space and an increasingly violent campaign of repression and harassment against union activists, environmental campaigners, opposition politicians and media workers.

  In Myanmar, the path toward democracy, which began in 2011, was dismantled and civic space has closed. The junta’s nationwide crackdown has spread beyond cities into rural and ethnic minority areas, where resistance has grown. There is a climate of fear and insecurity, characterised by extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, torture, enforced disappearances, sexual violence and other atrocities amounting to crimes against humanity. But ASEAN leaders have been unable to respond uniformly, and the Five-Point Consensus (5PC) they reached in April 2021 has miserably failed to address Myanmar’s crisis.

  In Singapore, civil liberties are curbed through the prosecution of journalists, protesters and harassment of activists. Civil space has been further limited by repressive laws such as the 2019 Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act and the 2021 Foreign Interference (Countermeasures) Act, which include vague provisions that allow for executive discretion in interpretation and implementation.

  Overall, civic space in ASEAN countries has deteriorated. But in the midst of this darkness, the results of recent elections have cast a ray of hope that could have an impact at the regional level. Election results in Malaysia in November 2022 and Thailand in May 2023 have brought hope and a breath of fresh air after years of regression of fundamental freedoms. ASEAN’s youngest member state, Timor-Leste, is unique in that it has committed to consolidating democracy and held a free, fair and transparent election on 21 May 2023, allowing voters to cast their ballots peacefully, thus making their voices heard.

  As the current ASEAN chair, has Indonesia made any efforts to engage with civil society and protect human rights?

  Indonesia became ASEAN chair amid a lot of expectations regarding its potentials to address the Myanmar crisis, following the lack of progress under its two predecessors, Brunei Darussalam and Cambodia – and possibly on the assumption that no further progress will happen under its successor, Laos.

  Led by Indonesia, ASEAN managed to adopt several Leaders’ Declarations related to human rights, including one on combating trafficking in persons caused by the abuse of technology and one on the protection of migrant workers and family members in crisis situations, adopted at the 42nd ASEAN Summit in May 2023. These represented a crucial step toward protecting rights. However, questions of implementation and domestication have long plagued the ASEAN region.

  Progress made at the regional level is not necessarily reflected by domestic developments. For example, ahead of the 2023 ASEAN summit, held in Labuhan Bajo, the Indonesian police summoned two residents, Viktor Frumentius and Dominikus Safio, over a planned protest regarding compensation for houses and land clearing for a road project. The criminalisation attempt happened a few days after the police issued a warning letter for local people not to conduct actions that could ‘create incitement’ during the summit. This incident came on top of ongoing attacks on civil liberties in Indonesia.

  Regarding engagement with civil society, unfortunately the Indonesian government failed to respond to civil society’s request to conduct an interface meeting during the summit. Taken together, this and the attempted criminalisation of protesters reveal the government’s exclusionary approach to critical voices.

  Did the summit’s outcomes include any commitment on human rights?

  The summit’s outcome document highlighted the commitment to strengthen efforts to combat human trafficking and protect migrant workers. Human trafficking is indeed a serious and systemic violation of human rights in Southeast Asia, with the pandemic exacerbating the already precarious situation of marginalised people who might end up in hands of human traffickers.

  Regarding Myanmar, however, disappointment continues. On 11 May, despite expressing concerns over the continuing violence in Myanmar, specifically in light of the recent attack against a convoy carrying ASEAN diplomats in Myanmar on the eve of the summit, Indonesia released a statement that said that ‘the 5PC remains our main reference’. It basically ignored the calls from civil society groups and the wider international community to move beyond the 5PC.

  Unfortunately the issue of shrinking civic space was not discussed at the summit, which reveals continued neglect by ASEAN member states and a lack of consensus about the importance of the fact that civic space is deteriorating across the region.

  Has there been progress in strengthening the role of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR)?

  Since its inception, the AICHR has been criticised as nothing more than a front for ASEAN member states to comply with their duty to put human rights on the regional agenda. It is not surprising that ASEAN finds it difficult to promote human rights at the regional level, given that its membership includes several authoritarian regimes and illiberal democracies.

  Civil society groups have done what we could to strengthen the AICHR, leading to incremental progress in its institutional strength and its relations with civil society. In 2019, FORUM-ASIA and its partners called for a review of the AICHR’s Terms of Reference to make it more independent and give it a protection mandate, among other things. ASEAN foreign ministers agreed to this, but the process hasn’t kicked off. Still, other positive changes happened, such as the inclusion of civil society in various AICHR activities and growing opportunities for the AICHR to meet with civil society in a variety of settings.

  For example, recently and for the first time ever, FORUM-ASIA and other CSOs with AICHR consultative status were invited to meet with AICHR representatives at the 37th AICHR Meeting. The question remains whether this practice can be sustained and institutionalised. The AICHR has also recently demonstrated increased engagement with national human rights institutions, its natural national partners. This also needs to be maintained and strengthened.

  Additionally, the current AICHR mechanism for handling human rights complaints needs to be assessed for it to become more transparent and responsive to rapidly deteriorating civic space conditions. But because the issue of shrinking civic space has not been met with consensus among AICHR member states, progress has been minimal. However, FORUM-ASIA keeps engaging with the AICHR in the knowledge that it will take years of effort to build a mechanism that lives up to our aspiration of holding states accountable for human rights violations. We are willing to engage in discussions with the AICHR about how to strengthen its complaint mechanism to contribute to enforcing states’ human rights obligations at the national level.

  Why hasn’t there been any progress in implementing the 5PC to address the situation in Myanmar?

  The 5PC has failed due to the fact that ASEAN has engaged with the military junta – the perpetrator of grave human rights violations with no commitment whatsoever to human rights – rather than with the legitimate representatives of Myanmar’s people, the civilian National Unity Government (NUG).

  As of today, the junta has not only failed to implement any of the plan’s provisions but has also increased its brutality against the civilian population. The deadly airstrike conducted in April was a glaring manifestation of the junta’s refusal to engage in meaningful dialogue and cooperation.

  Another issue is ASEAN members’ lack of a consistent approach and political will to address the Myanmar crisis. Only a few ASEAN countries openly condemned the junta’s human rights violations, while others, such as Cambodia, the ASEAN chair in 2022, even met with the junta chief and allowed the international community to interpret this approach to the crisis as recognition of the military regime.

  Finally, ASEAN’s principle of non-interference has been a major obstacle to effectively addressing the Myanmar crisis. ASEAN has moved away from this principle by becoming more assertive in certain cases, such as on economic and humanitarian cooperation, but this has not been mainstreamed. 

  How has civil society responded to ASEAN’s failure to address the situation in Myanmar?

  Despite numerous challenges, civil society has remained active. It is working to ensure that Myanmar does not fall off the radar or is forgotten as a result of conflicts and emergencies erupting in other parts of the world.

  Along with reputable Myanmar CSOs and other regional and international organisations, FORUM-ASIA recently released a position paper calling for a review and reframing of the 5PC. This paper provides five counterpoints of action that ASEAN leaders must immediately take to prove the bloc’s commitment and capability to resolve the Myanmar crisis effectively.

  The first point calls for the immediate adoption of an action plan for civilian protection and cessation of violence. The second emphasises the need to convene inclusive and meaningful consultations with legitimate Myanmar stakeholders, including the NUG, its advisory body the National Unity Consultative Council, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw – a group of ousted parliamentarians – and ethnic resistance organisations. The third stresses the need to amend the mandate of the ASEAN Special Envoy’s term to three years with authority, independence and resources to take effective action. The fourth calls for the provision of direct support to frontline humanitarian responders in Myanmar and along ethnic borderlands, including Myanmar’s western borders. And the fifth point calls on the Special Envoy to immediately open formal communications and engage with civil society and other key stakeholders from Myanmar’s Spring Revolution.

  What should the international community do to push ASEAN to protect human rights and address the situation in Myanmar?

  International civil society and the international community must push ASEAN to immediately move away from the 5PC and embrace more robust and tangible actions to stop the military junta’s violence and atrocity crimes. They must refrain from legitimising the junta and must recognise the NUG as the democratically elected government and enter into dialogue with all relevant stakeholders, cut bilateral ties, including economic ties, and impose a full arms embargo on the Myanmar armed forces, and call for suspension of the export and transport of aviation fuel to Myanmar.

  They should also work closely with the United Nations, particularly the Security Council and Secretary-General, to resolve the crisis in Myanmar. They should set up a clear mandate for the Special Envoy, grounded in human rights principles, justice and accountability. The role must be full-time, lasting more than a year, and the appointed Special Envoy must engage with all relevant stakeholders, not just the military junta.

  ---

   Civic space inMyanmaris rated ‘closed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.

  Get in touch with FORUM-ASIA through itswebpage or itsFacebook page, and follow@forum_asia on Twitter.

• ASEAN: Cambodia Chairmanship Should Thoroughly Address Crisis in Myanmar

  We, the undersigned organisations, call on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN) to increase its effort to address the ongoing human rights crisis in Myanmar, which was triggered by the attempted coup in February 2021. Under the incoming chairmanship of Cambodia in 2022, ASEAN needs to align its endeavours with the international efforts of the United Nations and civil society to hold the military junta accountable for its actions. Failure to meaningfully address the suffering of the people of Myanmar will be the failure of the regional bloc to promote and protect human rights in the region.

  More than seven months since ASEAN agreed on a Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar, there has yet to be significant progress on the implementation of the consensus, or significant action taken by ASEAN to tackle the escalation of violations and number of victims. Analysis from civil society has revealed that the Myanmar military junta, and to some extent ASEAN, have failed to uphold all five points. This is reflected in the increase in attacks since the adoption of the consensus on civilians and members of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and National Unity Government (NUG), which formed as the legitimate government after the November 2020 election. ASEAN’s response to this situation has been slow, which is apparent from the late appointment of the ASEAN Special Envoy, while the commitment to facilitate dialogue between the junta and the NUG or other parties is still unclear. This negligence has resulted in a further crisis and shrinking civics pace in Myanmar, which is having a ripple effect on the region’s human rights situation.

  We appreciate the unprecedented decision made through the Emergency ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting (EAMM) on 15 October 2021 to exclude the Myanmar junta’s representative of the Myanmar junta from sitting as the country’s representative during the 38th and 39th ASEAN Summit from 26–28 October. While noting the bloc’s decision to invite a “non-political representative” from Myanmar, our stance remains that no seat should be given to the military junta at future ASEAN meetings until the Five-Point Consensus is accomplished or until democracy is restored in Myanmar.

  From the Chairman’s Statement of the 38th and 39th ASEAN Summits issued by Brunei Darussalam,we noted ASEAN’s commitments to find a balance between the non-interference principle and to upholding the rule of law, good governance, the principles of democracy, and constitutional government in addressing the situation in Myanmar. The exclusion of the Myanmar military junta will need to be normalised in the upcoming ASEAN process.

  Moving forward to Cambodia’s ASEAN chairmanship in 2022, the regional bloc must move faster and meaningfully to address the situation in Myanmar. This includes formally engaging the NUG and other parties after excluding the military junta from the latest Summit. Only with the willingness to reassess the non-interference principle and consensus tradition can ASEAN act strategically.

  We also call for ASEAN to focus its efforts outside the regional bloc, by engaging with the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), dialogue partners, and the international community to formulate a time-bound and comprehensive action plan.

  For further information, please contact:

  Putri Kanesia (AJAR)  
  

  Supporting organisations

  ADN(Asia Democracy Network)
  AJAR (Asia Justice and Rights)
  Amnesty International Indonesia
  CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
  FORUM ASIA
  Kurawal Foundation
  KontraS (the Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence)
  Migrant Care
  SAFEnet(Southeast Asia Freedom of Expression Network)
  SEA Junction

   

• ASEAN: Decision on humanitarian assistance on Myanmar must include all related parties

  Decision on humanitarian assistance on Myanmar must include all related parties to avoid aid weaponisation by the junta

  We, the 765 undersigned Myanmar regional and international organisations, are gravely concerned by the outcome of the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar that puts the military junta in control of humanitarian aid distribution in Myanmar. Our organisations believe that this decision will enable the military junta to weaponise humanitarian aid to gain legitimacy and commit more human rights atrocities against the people of the country. 

  We urge ASEAN to redirect course in the informal meeting of ASEAN Foreign Ministers that is being held ahead of the ASEAN - US Special Summit and meet with the National Unity Government (NUG), Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs), and local civil society organisations to develop cross-border humanitarian assistance delivered by a trusted local humanitarian and community-based organisation.

  We are dismayed that the meeting initiated and held by Cambodia as ASEAN Chair 2022 on 6 May 2022 only engaged with the Myanmar junta’s Task Force led by the State Administration Council (SAC). The meeting excluded the presence of the National Unity Government, formed by elected representatives of the 2020 elections and civil society and EAOs. Under the pressure of the Myanmar junta, the regional bloc also disinvited the United Nations Special Envoy to Myanmar, H.E. Noeleen Heyzer, to the meeting, despite a false claim made by the Cambodian government indicating her presence was among the stakeholders that attended. 

  We are concerned that ASEAN, under the Cambodia Chairship, while opening its door to the military junta, has been continuously reluctant to engage with the NUG and other related parties, in direct contradiction to the Five-Point Consensus (5PC) agreed by the ASEAN, which calls for inclusive dialogue. We previously condemned the visit made by Prime Minister Hun Sen of Cambodia and the current ASEAN Envoy to Myanmar, undertaken without agreement from other ASEAN leaders, to meet with the junta leader but not with the NUG and detained President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the civil disobedience movement, and ethnic armed groups. Five months after Cambodia’s ‘rogue diplomacy’, ASEAN continues to be exclusionary. 

  We are alarmed by the regional bloc’s decision to allow the military junta-led Task Force to make decisions on how aid is delivered to Myanmar through the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre). Given the junta’s ongoing attacks against aid workers and civilians, we are appalled that ASEAN continues to regard the military junta-led Task Force as capable of delivering aid to all communities in Myanmar, including EAO areas. Junta’s promises are politically motivated promises that should not be trusted given the non-compliance record of the junta to the ASEAN 5PC after over a year since the agreement was made. 

  The decision of ASEAN to forge ahead with its plan to deliver humanitarian assistance with the Myanmar military junta-led Task Force ignores the calls made by the people of Myanmar and civil society organisations worldwide that urge the international community to prioritise the provision of cross-border humanitarian aid through local civil society and humanitarian organisations without the junta’s intervention. We reiterate our position that no meaningful solution will be generated by ASEAN if the regional bloc keeps excluding all related parties, namely the NUG, UN Special Envoy on Myanmar, and civil society. The decision will only bring regress and risk ASEAN aiding and abetting the military’s atrocities on the ground.

  We noted that ASEAN Foreign Ministers are holding an informal meeting today on 11 May 2022, prior to the ASEAN – US Special Summit in Washington DC, to discuss the implementation of ASEAN 5PC. We urge the ASEAN and its leaders to:

  • Immediately review and reconsider the decision made in the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar
  • Immediately and effectively suspend the military junta and its representatives from any strategic meeting of ASEAN for its non-compliance to the 5PC, particularly pertaining to the provision of humanitarian aid
  • Conduct dialogue with the NUG and EAOs, and local civil society organisations to develop cross-border humanitarian assistance delivered by trusted local humanitarian and community-based organisation 
  • Conduct dialogue with the UN Special Envoy to synergise efforts to address human rights and the humanitarian crisis in Myanmar
  • Review and amend the role and appointment mechanism of the ASEAN Special Envoy so that the mandate can assure its representation for ASEAN and effective coordination with all stakeholders in support of the will of the people of Myanmar. 

  Lastly, we specifically call on the ASEAN founding members, particularly Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Singapore, to move beyond the 5PC as it has failed to bring progress. The leaders must prove their commitment to upholding the will of the people of Myanmar to achieve peace and democracy and to hold the military junta accountable for grave human rights violations.  

  For more information, please contact Khin Ohmar, Progressive Voice, .

  List of Signatories

  The signatories list below includes the following 451 organisations and 314 Myanmar organisations that have chosen not to disclose their names.

  1. 8888 Generation (New Zealand)
  2. 8888 New Generation (Mohnyin)
  3. Aa Linn Eain Literary Force (Japan)
  4. Academy Zenith (Education)
  5. Action Against Myanmar Military Coup (Sydney)
  6. Active Youths (Kalay Myo)
  7. Ah Nah Podcast - Conversation with Myanmar
  8. All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress (AASYC)
  9. All Burma Democratic Face in New Zealand
  10. All Burma Student Democratic Front - Australia Branch
  11. All Religions Strike Column
  12. All Sagaing Township Basic Education Students' Union
  13. All Schools of Aungmyaythazan Township Strike Group
  14. All Young Burmese League (AYBL)
  15. Alternative Solutions for Rural Communities (ASORCOM)
  16. ALTSEAN-Burma 
  17. Anti-coup Forces Coordination Committee (AFCC)
  18. Anti-Dictatorship in Burma - DC Metropolitan Area (ADB-DCMA)
  19. Anti-Myanmar Dictatorship Movement
  20. Anti-Myanmar Military Dictatorship Network (AMMDN)
  21. ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
  22. Asia Democracy Network
  23. Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR)
  24. Asia Pacific Solidarity Coalition (APSOC)
  25. Asian Dignity Initiative
  26. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
  27. Asian Resource Foundation
  28. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) 
  29. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters (HRDP)
  30. Association of United Nationalities in Japan (AUN-Japan)
  31. Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization
  32. Auckland Kachin Community NZ
  33. Auckland Zomi Community
  34. Aung Myay Tharzan Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  35. Aung Pin Lal Main Strike Group
  36. Australia Burma Friendship Association, Northern Territory
  37. Australia Karen Organisation
  38. Australia Karen Organization WA Inc.
  39. Australia Myanmar Doctors, Nurses and Friends
  40. Australia Myanmar Youth Alliance (AMYA)
  41. Australian Burmese Muslim Organisation
  42. Australian Chin Community (Eastern Melbourne Inc)
  43. Australian Karen Organisation (AKO)
  44. Back Pack Health Workers Team
  45. Bago Basic Education Students' Union
  46. Bamar Community Tasmania
  47. Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (MASUM) 
  48. Bank Trade Unions Federation of Myanmar - BTUFM
  49. BEHS-1, Hpa-An Basic Education Students' Union
  50. BEHS-1, Mandalay Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  51. BEHS-11, Aungmyethazan Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  52. BEHS-24, Mahaaungmyay Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  53. BEHS-4, Mandalay Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  54. BEHS-8, Aungmyethazan Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  55. Best Friends Forever Group
  56. Blood Money Campaign
  57. Burma Action Ireland
  58. Burma Campaign UK
  59. Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN)
  60. Burma Lawyers’ Council (BLC)
  61. Burma Medical Association 
  62. Burman Suomalaiset (Finland)
  63. Burmese Canadian Network
  64. Burmese Community Development Collaboration (BCDC)
  65. Burmese Community in France
  66. Burmese Community Support Group (BCSG)
  67. Burmese Community, Australia
  68. Burmese Friendship Association
  69. Burmese Medical Association Australia (BMAA)
  70. Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
  71. Burmese Rohingya Welfare Organisation New Zealand
  72. Burmese Women's Union
  73. Campaign for a New Myanmar
  74. Canberra Karen Association
  75. CDM Support Team Mandalay
  76. Centre for Human Rights and Development, Mongolia 
  77. Chanayetharsan Basic Education Students' Union
  78. Chanmyathazi Township People Strike Group
  79. Chin Community of Auckland
  80. Chin Community of Western Australia Inc.
  81. Chin Community SA
  82. Chin Community Tasmania
  83. Chin Human Rights Organization 
  84. Chin MATA Working Group
  85. Chin Resources Center
  86. Chin Youth Organization (Matupi)
  87. Chin Youth Organization, Australia 
  88. Citizens of Burma Award (New Zealand)
  89. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participations
  90. Co-operative University Student Strike Group 
  91. Coalition of Mandalay Engineers 
  92. Colorful Spring
  93. Combat Support Corps-Japan (CSC-Japan)
  94. Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS)
  95. Committee Representing Mandalay Region Hluttaw
  96. Cooperative University Student Strike Column 
  97. CRPH & NUG Supporters Ireland
  98. CRPH Funding Ireland
  99. CRPH Support Group, Norway
  100. CRPH, NUG Support Team Germany-Deutschland
  101. CRPH/NUG Support Group Australia
  102. Daik-U Basic Education Students' Union
  103. Daung Sit Thi 
  104. Dawei Basic Education Students' Union
  105. Dawei Youth’s in Japan (DYJ) 
  106. Dawei Youths' Revolutionary Movement Strike Committee 
  107. Defense of Human Rights & Public Service, Pakistan
  108. Democracy for Burma
  109. Democracy for Myanmar - Working Group (NZ)
  110. Democracy Movement Strike Committee - Dawei 
  111. Democracy, Peace and Women’s Organization
  112. Democratic Youth Council
  113. Demoso Basic Education Students' Union
  114. Dragon Dawn (Charity Organization)
  115. Education Family Strike Group
  116. Educational Initiatives Myanmar
  117. Equality Myanmar
  118. Ethnic Youth General Strike Committee (Mandalay)
  119. European Karen Network
  120. Falam Community, Australia 
  121. Family Private School Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  122. Federal FM Mandalay
  123. Federal Myanmar Benevolence Group (NZ)
  124. Federation of General Workers Myanmar 
  125. Federation of Workers' Union of Burmese Citizens (in Japan)
  126. Federation of Workers’ Union of the Burmese Citizens (Japan)
  127. Free Burma Action Committee - Chico
  128. Free Burma Action Committee (Central Valley)
  129. Free Burma Action Committee (Sacremento)
  130. Free Burma Action Committee (San Francisco & Bay Area)
  131. Free Rohingya Coalition
  132. Freedom for Burma
  133. Future Light Center
  134. Future Thanlwin
  135. General Strike Committee of Nationalities 
  136. Generation Wave
  137. GenY For Revolution - Japan (GenY)
  138. Global Action For Myanmar Peace and Federal Democracy
  139. Global Movement for Myanmar Democracy (GM4MD)
  140. Global Myanmar Spring Revolution (Japan)
  141. Global Myanmar Spring Revolution (Korea)
  142. Golden Heart Organization
  143. Grass-root People 
  144. Helping Hands for Burma (H2B)
  145. HER (Art, Recycling Center)
  146. Hinthada Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  147. Hlaing Thar Yar Basic Education Students' Union
  148. Hope For Youth - Kyushu Japan
  149. Hopin Basic Education Students' Union
  150. Human Rights Foundation of Monland
  151. India For Myanmar
  152. Indonesian Legal Aid Foundations (YLBHI)
  153. Industrial Training Centre (ITC) Family Sydney
  154. Info Birmanie
  155. Initiatives for International Dialogue
  156. Inter-Faith Strike Column
  157. Interfaith Youth Coalition on Aids in Myanmar (IYCA-Myanmar)
  158. Interim Teachers' Union -Thanlyin Technological University 
  159. International Campaign for the Rohingya
  160. International Karen Organisation
  161. International Society of Myanmar Scholars and Professionals (ISMSP-MM)
  162. Japan Myanmar Future Creative Association (JMFCA)
  163. Joint Action Committee for Democracy in Burma (JACDB)
  164. Justice 4 Myanmar - Hope & Development
  165. Justice For Myanmar
  166. Justice Movement for Community-Innlay
  167. Kachin Affairs Organization - Japan (KAO Japan)
  168. Kachin Association Australia
  169. Kachin Association of Australia WA Inc.
  170. Kachin Human Rights Watch
  171. Kachin Women’s Association Thailand
  172. Kanbung Youth (Matupi)
  173. Kanpetlet Land Development Organization
  174. Karen Community in Netherlands (KCNL)
  175. Karen Community, Australia 
  176. Karen Environmental and Social Action Network
  177. Karen Human Rights Group
  178. Karen National League Japan-KNL
  179. Karen Peace Support Network
  180. Karen Swedish Community (KSC)
  181. Karen Women’s Organization
  182. Karenni Federation of Australia
  183. Karenni Human Rights Group
  184. Karenni National Society (KNS) Japan
  185. Karenni National Women’s Organization
  186. Karenni Society New Zealand
  187. Karenni/Kayah Community
  188. Katha Basic Education Students' Union
  189. Kayan Internally Displacement Supervising Committee 
  190. Kayan Rescue Committee
  191. Kayin Community Tasmania
  192. Keng Tung Youth
  193. Khanthar Farmers Network
  194. Khumzup Local Development Committee
  195. Kobe Myanmar Community 
  196. Korean House of International Solidarity (KHIS), Korea
  197. Kyaukse Basic Education Students' Union
  198. Kyaukse University Students' Union
  199. Kyauktada Strike Committee (KSC)
  200. Labor Union Federation
  201. Labutta Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  202. Land in Our Hand (LIOH)
  203. Langkho Basic Education Students' Union
  204. Lashio Basic Education Students' Union
  205. Latsinu Women Agency
  206. Launglon Basic Education Students' Union
  207. League For Democracy in Burma (L.D.B Japan)
  208. Letpadan Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  209. LGBT Union Mandalay 
  210. LGBTIQ Strike Group
  211. Loka Ahlinn
  212. Los Angeles Myanmar Movement
  213. Magway People's Revolution Committee 
  214. Mahaaungmyay Township People Strike Group
  215. Mandalar College Students Strike Group
  216. Mandalar University Students Union
  217. Mandalay Alliance Coalition Strike Group
  218. Mandalay Based University Student Unions 
  219. Mandalay Civil Society Organization 
  220. Mandalay Computer University Student Union 
  221. Mandalay Engineers Group
  222. Mandalay People Strike Group
  223. Mandalay Poets’ Union
  224. Mandalay Private Universities Students Union
  225. Mandalay Regional Youth Association
  226. Mandalay Technology University (MTU) Students Union
  227. Mandalay Universities, Degree and College Teachers and Staffs Strike Group
  228. Mandalay University Alumni Strike Group
  229. Mandalay University of Foreign Languages Students Union
  230. Mandalay Wholesale Centers Strike Group
  231. Mandalay Women Strike
  232. Mandalay Youth Strike Group
  233. Matu Chin Community, Australia
  234. Matu Forum Committee
  235. Matu Women Association
  236. Mawkmai Basic Education Students' Union
  237. Mawlamyine Basic Education Students' Union
  238. Medical Family Mandalay (MFM)
  239. Meikhtila Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  240. Metta Campaign - Mandalay
  241. Midwifery Training School Students Union (Mandalay) 
  242. MIIT Student Strike Column
  243. MilkTeaAlliance Calendar Team
  244. MilkTeaAlliance Galleries
  245. MilkTeaAlliance Malaysia 
  246. Minbu Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  247. Mindat Chin Community
  248. Mindat Community, Australia
  249. Mindat Emergency Response Team (MERT)
  250. Minority Affairs Institute - MAI (Myanmar)
  251. Mizo Community, Australia
  252. Mogaung Basic Education Students' Union
  253. Mohnyin Basic Education Students' Union
  254. Mon Families Group
  255. Mon National Council
  256. Mon Youth For Federal Democracy
  257. Monywa Basic Education Students' Union - ABFSU
  258. Monywa People Strike Steering Committee 
  259. MRJ (Maraja)
  260. Mudon Basic Education Students' Union
  261. Muslim Youth Network
  262. Muslim Youths Association 
  263. Mya Taung Strike Group
  264. Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability
  265. Myanmar Buddhist Community of South Australia
  266. Myanmar CDM Association
  267. Myanmar Community Coffs Harbour (MCC)
  268. Myanmar Community Ireland
  269. Myanmar Cultural Research Society (MCRS)
  270. Myanmar Democracy and Peace Committee (Australia)
  271. Myanmar Democratic Force in Denmark
  272. Myanmar Democratic Movement (MDM)
  273. Myanmar Development Support Group (MDSG)
  274. Myanmar Diaspora Group (Finland)
  275. Myanmar Emergency Fund (Canada)
  276. Myanmar Engineering Association of Australia (MEAA)
  277. Myanmar Engineers - New Zealand
  278. Myanmar Global Support Foundation
  279. Myanmar Gonye (New Zealand)
  280. Myanmar Institute of Information and Technology (Mandalay) Students Union
  281. Myanmar Labour News
  282. Myanmar Medical Online Campus 
  283. Myanmar Nationalities’ Support Organization - Japan (MNSO)
  284. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State)
  285. Myanmar People Residing in Canberra
  286. Myanmar Professionals Association Australia (MPAA)
  287. Myanmar Railway Division (3) CDM Staffs Strike Group
  288. Myanmar Student Association Ontario (MSAO)
  289. Myanmar Students' Association Australia (MSAA)
  290. Myanmar Students' Union in New Zealand
  291. Myanmar Youth and Student Association, Japan-MYSA
  292. National University of Arts and Culture 
  293. National Youth League for Politics and Leadership 
  294. National Youth Organization
  295. Netherlands Myanmar Solidarity Platform
  296. Network for Advocacy Action
  297. Network for Human Rights Documentation Burma (ND-Burma)
  298. New Rehmonnya Federated Force
  299. New Zealand Doctors for NUG
  300. New Zealand Karen Association
  301. New Zealand Myanmar Ethnics Council
  302. New Zealand Zo Community Inc.
  303. No (12) Basic Education Middle School Student Union 
  304. No (7) Basic Education High School Alumni Strike Group
  305. No.12 Basic Education Middle School (High Branch) Basic Education Students' Union
  306. Northern Spectrum Youth Association
  307. Nursing Training School Students Union (Mandalay)
  308. Nursing University (Mandalay) Student Union 
  309. Nyaunglebin Basic Education Students' Union
  310. Okinawa Myanmar Association
  311. Olive Organization
  312. Open Development Foundation
  313. Overseas Mon Association - New Zealand
  314. Padaung Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  315. Pan Pa Wash People Strike Column
  316. Paramedical Technical University (Mandalay) Student Union 
  317. Patriotic War Veterans of Burma (PWVB)
  318. PEC Private School Basic Education Students' Union
  319. People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (PSPD), Korea
  320. People’s Hope Spring Revolution (PHSR)
  321. Perth Myanmar Youth Network
  322. Phayagye Peace Strike Column
  323. Phayagyi Peace Strike Group 
  324. Private pre school Teachers’ Association 
  325. Progressive Voice
  326. Pyay Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  327. Pyigyidagon Strike Group
  328. Pyin Nyar Nan Daw Private School Basic Education Students' Union
  329. Pyin Oo Lwin Basic Education Students' Union
  330. Pyinmana Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  331. Pyithu Gonye (New Zealand)
  332. Queensland Kachin Community (QKC)
  333. Queensland Myanmar Youth Collective (QMYC)
  334. Queensland Rohingya Community
  335. Red Campaign Nirvana Exhortation Group
  336. Remonya Association of WA (Mon Community)
  337. Representing The Arrested People Strike
  338. Revolution Tokyo Myanmar (R.T.M)
  339. Rohingya Action Ireland
  340. Rohingya Women Webinar Series
  341. Rvwang Community Association New Zealand
  342. Saga Myanmar Overseas Student Association
  343. Saitama Pamphlet Campaign (SPC)
  344. Sangha Union Strike Group
  345. Save and Care Organization for Ethnic Women on the Border Areas
  346. Save Myanmar - USA
  347. Save Myanmar Fundraising Group (New Zealand)
  348. SEA Junction
  349. Sein Pan Strike Column
  350. Seinban Strike Group
  351. Seven Star
  352. Shan Community (New Zealand)
  353. Shan Community in Japan (SCJ)
  354. Shan MATA
  355. Shan Women Development Network
  356. ShizuYouth for Myanmar
  357. Shwe Chin Thae Farmers Network
  358. Shwe Minn Tha Foundation (Myanmar)
  359. Shwe Youth Democratic Alliance (SYDA)
  360. Sintgaing Basic Education Students' Union
  361. Sisters 2 Sisters
  362. Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation
  363. Skills for Humanity
  364. Southcare Medical Centre
  365. Southeast Asia Freedom of Expressions Network (SAFENET)
  366. Southern Youth Development Organization
  367. Southerner News Agency
  368. Spring Revolution Interfaith Network (SRIN)
  369. Spring Revolution Myanmar Muslim Network (SRMMN)
  370. Spring University Myanmar (SUM)
  371. Strike Column of Representatives of Arbitrarily Arrested People
  372. Students and Youth Congress of Burma (SYCB)
  373. Students for Free Burma (SFB)
  374. Support for Myanmar
  375. Support Group for Democracy in Myanmar (The Netherlands)
  376. Swedish Burma Committee
  377. Sydney Friends for Myanmar Unity
  378. Ta'ang Legal Aid
  379. Ta’ang Women’s Organization 
  380. Taekwando Sport Association 
  381. Taekwondo Federation
  382. Tai Youths Network Japan (TYNJ)
  383. Taiwan Alliance for Myanmar (TAM)
  384. Tampawadi People Strike Group
  385. Tanintharyi MATA
  386. Tanintharyi People’s Voice
  387. Taunggyi Basic Education Students' Union
  388. Technological Teachers’ Federation (TTF)
  389. Technological University (Yadanabon Cyber City) Students Union
  390. Technological University Mandalay (TUM) Students Union 
  391. Tha Pyay Nyo Periodical 
  392. Thapaynyo News Letter
  393. Thaton Basic Education Students' Union
  394. The Institution of Professional Engineers Myanmar
  395. Thint Myat Lo Thu Myar Organization
  396. Twitter Team for Revolution 
  397. U.S. Campaign for Burma
  398. Uakthon Local Social Development Organization
  399. Unitarian Universalist Service Committee
  400. United Myanmar Community of South Australia 
  401. University of Computer (Mandalay) Students Union
  402. University of Dental Medicine (Mandalay) Students Union
  403. University of Medical Technology (Mandalay) Students Union
  404. University of Medicine (Mandalay) Students Union
  405. University of Nursing (Mandalay) Students Union
  406. University of Pharmacy (Mandalay) Students Union 
  407. University of Traditional Medicine (Mandalay) Students Union
  408. University Youth Prayer Committee (YUPC)
  409. US Advocacy Coalition for Myanmar (USACM)
  410. VEC Private School Basic Education Students' Union
  411. Victorian Burmese Care Community (VBCC)
  412. Victorian Myanmar Youth
  413. Vietnamese Women for Human Rights
  414. Voice For Justice (VFJ)
  415. We Love Motherland-MM (Malaysia)
  416. We Pledge CDM (Australia)
  417. We Support (Japan)
  418. Western Australia Myanmar Democratic Network
  419. Wetlet Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  420. Winemaw Civil Society Network
  421. Women Activists Myanmar
  422. Women Advocacy Coalition Myanmar (WAC-M) 
  423. Women Alliance Burma 
  424. Women’s League of Burma 
  425. Wundwin Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  426. Yadanabon University Students Union
  427. Yadanapone University Student Union (Ya. Ta. Ka. Tha) 
  428. Yadanar Foundation
  429. Yangon Medical Network 
  430. Yedashe Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  431. Yokohama Pamphlet Campaign (YPC)
  432. Young Changemakers Community
  433. Youth Poets’ Union
  434. YUOE Debate Club
  435. Zabuthiri Basic Education Students'       Union-ABFSU
  436. Zo Community, Australia
  437. Zomi Association Australia Inc.
  438. Zomi Community Queensland
  439. Zomi Community South Australia
  440. ခိုင်မြဲသစ္စာဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေး ကော်မတီ
  441. ပြည်သူ့ရင်သွေးနွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး
  442.  ပြည်သူရင်သွေးနွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး(ဂျပန်)
  443.  မြင်းခြံလူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုကော်မတီ
  444.  မြန်မာ့ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ အောင်နိုင်ရေးအဖွဲ့ပေါင်းချုပ် - ကိုရီးယား
  445.  မြန်မာ့ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအောင်နိုင်ရေးအဖွဲ့ပေါင်းချုပ် (MFDMC)
  446. ရေအေးမိတ်ဖက် ဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးကော်မတီ
  447. အနာဂါတ်အလင်း ဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးကော်မတီ
  448. အလင်းရောင်ပန်းတိုင် ဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးကော်မတီ
  449. အလင်းသစ္စာဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးကော်မတီ
  450. အလင်းသစ်ပရဟိတ
  451. အားမာန်သစ် ဖွံ့ဖြိုးကော်မတီ
• ASEAN: Refrain from legitimising junta and enhance cooperation to address human rights situation in Myanmar

  Civil society organisations urge the regional-bloc under Cambodia Chairship to halt further measures that will bring legitimacy to the junta military of Myanmar.

  ---

  We, the undersigned, express deep concern over the planned visit of Prime Minister Hun Sen, on behalf of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), to Myanmar to meet with the junta representative, General Min Aung Hlaing. The visit is scheduled for 7 January 2022. We call on the ASEAN to refrain from further actions that will legitimise the junta and effectively implement the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus in alignment with the call made by the international community.

• Bolder measures must be taken to force the junta out of power

  Statement at the 51st Session of the UN Human Rights Council

  Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar

  Delivered by Kyaw Win

  The Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN) and CIVICUS welcome the findings of the High Commissioner’s report on the progress made and remaining challenges regarding the recommendations of the independent international fact-finding mission on Myanmar. While cutting the junta’s access to revenue and arms supplies are urgent and essential measures that must be taken by all State Parties, we urge the international community to pursue bolder measures to force the military junta out of power.  

  The international response to the attempted coup has so far proceeded in a slow and fragmented manner with junta-perpetrated violence including against peaceful protestors and humanitarian needs in Burma continuing to escalate. During the first half of 2022, the junta was reported to commit more incidents of violence against civilians than any other ‘state’ armed force globally.1 The human rights situation of the Rohingya and Muslim minorities has continued to deteriorate, with these groups facing tightened restrictions on their fundamental freedoms and increasingly at risk of being subjected to further atrocity crimes.  

  The longer the international community waits to act, the more emboldened the junta will become as it escalates its crimes against humanity and war crimes. In addition to the High Commissioner’s recommendations, BHRN and CIVICUS call on governments worldwide to: 

  • Sharply increase engagement with the National Unity Government (NUG) and other key actors who are active against the junta, including ethnic resistance actors and leaders of the civil disobedience movement. 

  • Redouble efforts to pursue international legal action against the junta, including by joining the Gambia’s case at the International Court of Justice and by actively pursuing investigations and prosecutions under the principle of universal jurisdiction.  

  Additionally, BHRN calls on: 

  • ASEAN to coordinate with the UN to ensure strong action against the junta’s abuses. 

  • The UN General Assembly to adopt a resolution making clear that the NUG is the only government that member states and the UN should engage with. 

  • The UN Security Council to end its inaction and refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court or establish a separate criminal tribunal to investigate and prosecute the full spectrum of atrocity crimes in Myanmar.  

  ---

   Civic space in Myanmar is rated as "Repressed" by the CIVICUS Monitor

• Call on INTERPOL to ban the illegal junta from representing Myanmar at its General Assembly

  To: Kim Jong Yang, INTERPOL President; Jürgen Stock, INTERPOL General Secretary; the INTERPOL Executive Committee and INTERPOL Member Countries

  Dear INTERPOL President Kim Jong Yang, INTERPOL Vice Presidents Benyamina Abbad and Šárka Havránková,INTERPOL General Secretary Jürgen Stock, INTERPOL Executive Committee Delegates Khaled Jameel Al Materyeen, Ahmed Nasser Al-Raisi, Jean-Jacques Colombi, Rogerio Galloro, Robert Guirao Bailén, Destino Pedro, Olushola Kamar Subair, Jannine Van den Berg, and Member Countries.

  We, the undersigned 259 organizations, call on INTERPOL to immediately ban the Myanmar military junta from representing Myanmar as a member of INTERPOL. We demand you ensure that the military junta is excluded from the upcoming 89^th INTERPOL General Assembly and all benefits and future cooperation that membership entails.

  According to media reports, the Myanmar military junta’s police force is currently representing Myanmar in INTERPOL and its members, led by the Head of Police and Deputy Home Affairs Minister Lieutenant-General Than Hlaing, will act as delegates for the Myanmar government at the INTERPOL General Assembly. This is a matter of grave concern to us and raises serious credibility issues for INTERPOL itself for the following reasons:

  1. The military junta does not represent the government of Myanmar. The international community has refused to recognise the military junta as the legitimate government of Myanmar and has prevented members of the military junta from participating in international forums including the UN General Assembly, the UN Climate Change Conference (COP26) and the ASEAN Summit.
  2. The attempted coup on 1 February 2021, under the leadership of Senior General Min Aung Hlaing by violent means violated the Myanmar Constitution, international law and the principle of rule of law.
  3. The head of the UN Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar recently stated that since the attempted coup the Myanmar military junta’s widespread and systematic attack on the civilian population amounts to crimes against humanity.
  4. The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar, composed of international experts including former members of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar and a former Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, has recently argued that, in addition to crimes against humanity, the Myanmar military is engaging in terrorism and should be classified as a terrorist organization.
  5. Lt. General Than Hlaing, as the junta’s Deputy Minister of Home Affairs and Chief of Police, is directly responsible for decision making concerning repressive policies and violent actions committed by police against peaceful demonstrators and is therefore responsible for serious human rights violations in Myanmar/Burma.
  6. For this and other reasons, Lt. General Than Hlaing has been placed by the European Union under a travel ban and asset freeze as of 3 March 2021.
  7. Targeted sanctions against Lt. General Than Hlaing also remain in place by the US, UK, and Canada (overview with links here).
  8. Lt General Than Hlaing has been appointed to lead operations in Chin State. Escalating military attacks against civilians there and in Sagaing and Magwe Regions have caused rights groups to draw similarities to “clearance operations” used to violently oppress the ethnic Rohingya population – now at issue in the International Criminal Court and International Court of Justice

  INTERPOL’s vision is to connect police for a “safer world” and to support security for the world’s citizens. The people of Myanmar are in dire need of safety and security. The single biggest threat to their security is the Myanmar military junta, who is attempting to represent Myanmar in INTERPOL and use the General Assembly as a platform for political gain and international legitimacy. This will embolden the Myanmar military to continue to commit international crimes with blanket impunity.

  We note that countering the threat of terrorism is the first of INTERPOL’s seven Global Policing Goals, and INTERPOL has a responsibility to counter and disrupt terrorism wherever it occurs, including in Myanmar.

  We draw your attention to condemnation by the UN Security Council regarding the junta following the February 2021 coup, including a November 2021 statement by the Council’s President Juan Ramón de la Fuente Ramírez citing “deep concern at further recent violence across Myanmar”.

  We note that upholding human rights is central to INTERPOL’s mandate. We implore you to meet the commitment to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights stated in Article 2 of the Constitution of the ICPO-INTERPOL. Recognizing the Myanmar military junta, responsible for systemic and grave human rights violations would be a clear violation of this article.

  We appeal to you to adhere to INTERPOL’s commitment to political neutrality stated in Article 3 of the INTERPOL Constitution. Awarding an unlawful military junta that lacks domestic and international recognition with legitimacy would violate this article, and amount to a partisan intervention that would embolden the military to continue to commit international crimes with total impunity.

  Instead of legitimizing the military junta through INTERPOL membership, we appeal to you to uphold international law by supporting the ongoing investigation at the International Criminal Court concerning crimes of genocide against the Rohingya, and future investigations, to bring all perpetrators of Myanmar atrocities to account. The Myanmar military must be recognized as a terrorist organization, not recognized as representatives of the Myanmar people who are the very victims of the junta’s daily barrage of violence that INTERPOL aims to protect.

  We therefore call on INTERPOL to:

  • Ban the Myanmar military junta from INTERPOL, including the 89^th General Assembly.
  • Support efforts to bring Senior Gen Min Aung Hlaing, Lt Gen Than Hlaing and all other perpetrators of atrocity crimes to justice by identifying and arresting suspects.
  • Take all measures available to prevent the Myanmar military junta’s continued acts of terrorism by disrupting terrorism movement and tracing and disrupting their international revenue and arms supply networks.

  At this fragile and crucial time in Myanmar, INTERPOL and their member countries must act in the interests of the safety and security of Myanmar people, victims and survivors of crime and in accordance with international law and norms.
  
  -----

  For more information, please contact:
  
  Khin Ohmar, Progressive Voice,

  Veronica Pedrosa, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights,

  Annie Boyajian, Freedom House,

  Signed by:

  1. 8888 Generation (New Zealand)
  2. Action Committee for Democracy Development
  3. Activists Group for Human Rights ‘BARAM’
  4. Albany Karen Community, Albany
  5. All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress
  6. All Burma Democratic Face in New Zealand
  7. ALL FOR LITTLE ONE
  8. Alliance for Gender Inclusion in Peace Process (AGIPP)
  9. Alternative Solutions for Rural Communities (ASORCOM)
  10. ALTSEAN-Burma
  11. Arizona Kachin Community
  12. ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights – APHR
  13. Asia Pacific Solidarity Coalition (APSOC)
  14. Asian Dignity Initiative
  15. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
  16. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
  17. Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization
  18. Auckland Kachin Community NZ
  19. Auckland Zomi Community
  20. B-Farm
  21. Blood Money Campaign
  22. Boat People SOS
  23. Burma Action Ireland
  24. Burma Campaign UK
  25. Burma Human Rights Network
  26. Burma Rohingya Organisation UK
  27. Burmese Relief Center - Japan
  28. Burmese Rohingya Welfare Organisation New Zealand
  29. Burmese Women’s Union
  30. Calgary Karen Community Association (CKCA)
  31. California Kachin Community
  32. Campaign for a New Myanmar
  33. Center for Alliance of Labor and Human Rights Committee (CENTRAL)
  34. Chin Community of Auckland
  35. CHRF
  36. Christian Solidarity Worldwide
  37. Citizen of Burma Award-New Zealand
  38. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
  39. Coalition to Abolish Modern-day Slavery in Asia (CAMSA)
  40. Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia (COMFREL)
  41. Committee for Religions Freedom in Vietnam
  42. COVIL
  43. CRPH & NUG Supporters Austria
  44. CRPH & NUG Supporters Ireland
  45. CRPH Funding Ireland
  46. Dallas Kachin Community
  47. DANA
  48. Decency & Clarity
  49. DEEKU-Karenni Community of Amarillo, TX
  50. Democracy for Myanmar - Working Group (NZ)
  51. Democracy, Peace and Women’s Organization – DPW
  52. DONEUIDONG
  53. Dongjadong Sarangbang
  54. Edmonton Karen Community Youth Organization
  55. Education Community Woorijari Social Cooperation
  56. Equality Myanmar
  57. European Karen Network
  58. Federal Myanmar Benevolence Group (NZ)
  59. Federation of General Workers Myanmar
  60. Federation of Workers' Union of the Burmese Citizen in Japan
  61. Freedom House
  62. Future Light Center
  63. Future Thanlwin
  64. Gangbuk Housing Welfare Center
  65. Gender and Development for Cambodia (GADC)
  66. Gender Equality Network
  67. Georgia Kachin Community
  68. Global Movement for Myanmar Democracy (GM4MD)
  69. Global Myanmar Spring Revolution
  70. Gwangju Asia sisterhood
  71. Gyeonggi Association of Self-Sufficiency Promotion Center
  72. HANBARAGI
  73. Houston Kachin Community
  74. Human Rights Foundation of Monland
  75. Incorporated Organization Shilcheon Bulgyo
  76. Independent Trade Union Federation (INTUFE)
  77. Info Birmanie
  78. Initiatives for International Dialogue
  79. International Campaign for the Rohingya
  80. International Child Rights Center
  81. International Karen Organisation
  82. International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC)
  83. Iowa Kachin Community
  84. Jangsuwon
  85. JCMK
  86. JPIC of Sisters of Charity of Seton Hill
  87. Junta Denouncing Committee Korea
  88. Justice For Myanmar
  89. Kachin American Community (Portland – Vancouver)
  90. Kachin Community of Indiana
  91. Kachin Community of USA
  92. Kachin Gender Star Group
  93. Kachin Women’s Association Thailand
  94. Kaesong Tourism Center
  95. Kansas Karenni community, KS
  96. Karen American Association of Milwaukee, WI
  97. Karen Association of Huron, SD
  98. Karen Community of Akron, OH
  99. Karen Community of Canada (KCC)
  100. Karen Community of Czech Republic
  101. Karen Community of Finland
  102. Karen Community of Hamilton
  103. Karen Community of Iowa, IA
  104. Karen Community of Ireland
  105. Karen Community of Israel
  106. Karen Community of Kansas City
  107. Karen Community of Kitchener & Waterloo
  108. Karen Community of Leamington K
  109. Karen Community of Lethbridge
  110. Karen Community of London
  111. Karen Community of Minnesota, MN
  112. Karen Community of North Carolina
  113. Karen Community of Ottawa
  114. Karen Community of Regina
  115. Karen Community of Saskatoon
  116. Karen Community of Thunderbay
  117. Karen Community of Toronto
  118. Karen Community of Windsor
  119. Karen Community of Winnipeg
  120. Karen Community Society of British Columbia (KCSBC)
  121. Karen Human Rights Group
  122. Karen Organization of America
  123. Karen Organization of Illinois, IL
  124. Karen Thai Group
  125. Karen Women’s Organization
  126. Karen Youth Education Pathways
  127. Karen Youth Networks
  128. Karen Youth of Norway
  129. Karen Youth of Toronto
  130. Karen Youth Organization
  131. Karenni Civil Society Network
  132. Karenni Community of Arizona, AZ
  133. Karenni Community of Arkensas, AK
  134. Karenni Community of Austin, TX
  135. Karenni Community of Bowling Green, KY
  136. Karenni Community of Buffalo, NY
  137. Karenni Community of Chicago, IL
  138. Karenni Community of Colorado, CO
  139. Karenni Community of Dallas, TX
  140. Karenni community of Des Moines, IA
  141. Karenni Community of Florida, FL
  142. Karenni Community of Fort Worth, TX
  143. Karenni Community of Georgia, GA
  144. Karenni Community of Houston, TX
  145. Karenni Community of Idaho, ID
  146. Karenni Community of Indianapolis, IN
  147. Karenni Community of Massachusetts, MA
  148. Karenni Community of Michigan, MI
  149. Karenni Community of Minnesota, MN
  150. Karenni Community of Missouri, MO
  151. Karenni Community of North Carolina, NC
  152. Karenni Community of Portland, OR
  153. Karenni Community of Rockford, IL
  154. Karenni Community of San Antonio, TX
  155. Karenni Community of Sioux Falls, SD
  156. Karenni Community of Utah, UT
  157. Karenni Community of Utica, NY
  158. Karenni Community of Washington, WA
  159. Karenni Community of Wisconsin, WI
  160. Karenni Human Rights Group
  161. Karenni National Women’s Organization
  162. Karenni Society New Zealand
  163. Karenni Society of Omaha, NE
  164. Karenni-American Association
  165. Keng Tung Youth
  166. Kentucky Kachin Community
  167. Kijamii Table
  168. Kim Wan Sik (MR)
  169. Korea Christian Solidarity for Democracy and Human Rights in Myanmar
  170. Korea Karen Organization
  171. Korea Karen Youth Organization
  172. Korea Women's Associations United (KWAU)
  173. Korean House for International Solidarity
  174. Korean Solidarity for Overseas Community Organization
  175. Let’s Help Each Other
  176. Louisiana Kachin Community
  177. Maryland Kachin Community
  178. May18 Seoul Memorial Society
  179. Metta Campaign Mandalay
  180. Michigan Kachin Community
  181. Migrant Health Association in Korea WeFriends
  182. Milk Tea Alliance (Friend For Myanmar)
  183. MINBYUN - Lawyers for a Democratic Society International Solidarity Committee
  184. Minnesota Kachin Community
  185. Myanmar Accountability Project
  186. MYANMAR Action Supporters
  187. Myanmar Community Austria
  188. Myanmar Democratic Force (Denmark)
  189. Myanmar Engineers - New Zealand
  190. Myanmar Family Community in Ireland
  191. Myanmar Gonye (New Zealand)
  192. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State)
  193. Myanmar Students Organization
  194. Myanmar Students' Union in New Zealand
  195. National Clergy Conference for Justice and Peace
  196. NeT Organization
  197. Network for Advocacy Action
  198. Network for Human Rights Documentation Burma (ND-Burma)
  199. Neutinamu
  200. New Bodhisattva Network
  201. New York Kachin Community
  202. New Zealand Doctors for NUG
  203. New Zealand Karen Association
  204. New Zealand Zo Community Inc.
  205. No Business With Genocide
  206. North Carolina Kachin Community
  207. NUG & CRPH Supporter Denmark
  208. Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica
  209. Olive Organization
  210. Omaha Kachin Community
  211. Organization of Social Welfare Service Bokumjari
  212. Oversea Karen Organization Japan
  213. Overseas Mon Association. New Zealand
  214. Pa-O Youth Organization
  215. Pennsylvania Kachin Community
  216. People’s Initiatives for Development Alternatives
  217. People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (PSPD)
  218. Progressive 3.0
  219. Progressive Korea
  220. Progressive Voice
  221. Pyeongchang
  222. Pyithu Gonye (New Zealand)
  223. RCSD/FSS Chiang Mai University
  224. Rvwang Community Association New Zealand
  225. SAMYANG CITIZENS NETWORK
  226. SARANGBANG Group for Human Rights
  227. Save and Care Organization for Ethnic Women at Border Areas
  228. Save Myanmar Fundraising Group (New Zealand)
  229. Shan Community (New Zealand)
  230. Shan MATA
  231. Sisters 2 Sisters
  232. Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation
  233. Social Action for Community and Development (SACD)
  234. Solidarity for Another World
  235. South Carolina Kachin Community
  236. Support Group for Democracy in Myanmar (Netherlands)
  237. Supporters group for migrant workers in Korea
  238. Suwon Migrants Center
  239. Swedish Burma Committee
  240. Synergy – Social Harmony Organization
  241. Ta’ang Women’s Organization
  242. Ta'ang Legal Aid
  243. Tanintharyi Women Network
  244. Tennessee Kachin Community
  245. The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
  246. The People Center for Development and Peace (PDP-Center)
  247. Tongirinreoygeo
  248. Union of Karenni State Youth
  249. US Campaign for Burma
  250. Utica Karen Community, NY
  251. Virginia Kachin Community
  252. Washington Kachin Community
  253. West Virginia Kachin Community
  254. With Gilbut Welfare Foundation
  255. Women Advocacy Coalition – Myanmar (WAC-M)
  256. Women’s League of Burma
  257. Women’s Peace Network
  258. Youth of Kim Dae-jung Foundation
  259. Youth Resource Development Program (YRDP)

  Civic space in Myanmar is rated as repressed by the CIVICUS Monitor

• Cinq pays sur la liste de surveillance de CIVICUS présentés au Nations Unies

   

  Déclaration lue au cours de la 46ème session du Conseil des droits de l’homme des Nations Unies

  Le Conseil a identifié des cas d’entraves aux libertés fondamentales comme le signe avant-coureur d’une crise imminente des droits humains. Cinq pays ont été mis en évidence dans la dernière liste de surveillance de CIVICUS, qui attire l’attention sur un groupe de pays où l’on constate un recul rapide dans le respect de l’espace civique.

  Il s’agit notamment du Myanmar, où un coup d’État militaire a entraîné la mort d’au moins 50 manifestants et l’arrestation arbitraire de plus d’un millier de militants, de manifestants et de responsables politiques, tandis que des journalistes sont pris pour cible quotidiennement.

  Au Nicaragua, les manifestations ont systématiquement été réprimées. Les défenseurs des droits humains, les journalistes et les opposants politiques présumés sont victimes de répression pénale et de harcèlement, et une série de lois répressives adoptées récemment entrave encore davantage l’espace civique.

  En Polania, les autorités et les groupes d’extrême droite ont fait un usage excessif de la force lors des mois de manifestations déclenchées par l’interdiction presque totale de l’avortement. Des lois et des réformes qui compromettent l’indépendance de la justice et l’État de droit ont été adoptées depuis 2015, et la liberté des médias est menacée.

  En Russie, des attaques de grande ampleur ont eu lieu contre les rassemblements pacifiques et les journalistes lors des grandes manifestations pacifiques dans tout le pays. Plus de 10 000 manifestants ont été arrêtés.

  Au Togo, où l’espace civique recule depuis 2017, l’arrestation d’une journaliste et de syndicalistes et la fermeture d’un journal sont des exemples récents qui illustrent la dégradation des libertés civiques.

  Le Conseil ne peut pas remplir ses mandats de protection ou de prévention s’il n’est pas prêt à prendre des mesures concrètes face à des situations qui présentent de tels signes avant-coureurs. Nous demandons au Conseil de procéder à un examen plus approfondi de la situation au Myanmar et au Nicaragua au cours de cette session, et d’accorder toute l’attention nécessaire à la Pologne, à la Russie et au Togo afin d’éviter que la situation sur le terrain de ces pays ne se détériore encore davantage. 

  Evaluation de l'espace civique - CIVICUS Monitor
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• CIVICUS condemns conviction of Reuters journalists on trial in Myanmar

  Global civil society alliance, CIVICUS, believes the conviction of two journalists employed by global news agency, Reuters, who have been on trial in Myanmar is a dark day for press freedom in Myanmar. The two journalists have been sentenced to seven years imprisonment.

  Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo were arrested on December 12, 2017 under the country’s colonial-era Official Secrets Act. The reporters, who were facing up to 14 years imprisonment if convicted, were arrested after being handed documents by police officers during a dinner meeting, that turned out to be secret government documents relating to Myanmar’s western Rakhine state and security forces, according to the country’s Information Ministry.

  At the time of their arrest, the journalists, who both pleaded “not guilty” to charges, had been investigating the killing of 10 Rohingya Muslims in Inn Din village in Rakhine during a brutal military crackdown in that state against the Rohingya minority that began last August. During the trial, a police captain, admitted in court that a senior officer had ordered his subordinates to “trap” the journalists by handing them the classified documents. He was subsequently sentenced to a one-year prison term.

  In recent months, there have been continued attacks on fundamental freedoms in Myanmar with dozens being arrested and charged for peaceful protests or for exercising their right to freedom of expression.

  “We believe the verdict in this trial is a travesty of justice and sends a chilling message to all journalists in the country,” said Clementine de Montjoye, Advocacy and Campaigns Officer at CIVICUS:

  “Prosecutions on spurious grounds serve to intimidate local journalists and activists, and this trial is representative of the Myanmar government’s repeated attempts to cover up its actions,” said de Montjove.

  “Given the state-sponsored atrocities being committed in Myanmar today, the government’s crackdown on independent investigations and dissent is hardly surprising”.

  In an End of Mission report issued in July, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, said “the democratic space in Myanmar continues to sharply deteriorate”. Her report also highlighted concerns about the use of repressive laws to suppress political dissidents, youth, human rights defenders and activists and the arrest of demonstrators around the country.

  The CIVICUS Monitor, an online platform that tracks threats to civil society across the globe, has rated civic space in Myanmar as repressed. CIVICUS stands in solidarity with Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo and all Myanmars who work to promote democracy and the protection of fundamental freedoms.

  ENDS.

  For more information, contact:

  Clementine de Montjoye
  

   

   

• Civil society groups demand Indonesia to implement cohesive policy and approach to not legitimise Myanmar junta in ASEAN

  On the 2^nd anniversary of Myanmar's attempted coup, we, the undersigned, call on Indonesia as the Chair of ASEAN to not legitimise the Myanmar junta at any cost. This shall include a commitment to disinvite junta representatives from ASEAN meetings at all levels.