Myanmar

• MYANMAR: ‘The ruling military junta uses fear as a domination tool’

  

  CIVICUS speaks about the human rights situation and prospects for democracy in Myanmar with a civil society activist based in Myanmar, who asked to remain anonymous for security reasons.

  What is the current situation in Myanmar, a year and a half on from the military coup?

  Myanmar has been in turmoil since February 2021. The coup halted the fragile democratisation process. All branches of government – legislative, executive and judiciary – were concentrated in the hands of the junta and fundamental rights were suspended.

  The rule of law has been significantly degraded at every level. In the business sector, the junta’s inconsistent regulations make it impossible for investors to make decisions. Foreign investors are increasingly withdrawing from Myanmar, and the telecom sector fell into the hands of the junta’s cronies. The junta has questionable capacity to manage the economy, and inflation has pushed up the prices of essential commodities.

  The degradation of the rule of law puts people’s everyday life and livelihood at risk. Repression and fundamental rights violations make everyone feel unsafe and spread fear. The junta uses fear as a domination tool. Even once-peaceful villages in central Myanmar have become conflict zones where the junta’s troops have destroyed tens of thousands of people’s humble homes.

  What effects has the coup had on civil society?

  The post-coup setting is very challenging. The coup set back civil society, which had been slowly growing since the late 2000s, when young democracy and human rights activists who had survived the military dictatorship started getting together and organising to pursue common objectives.

  Our organisation came into existence in the early days of Myanmar’s political transition. There were limited freedoms and rights and limited space for civil society organisations. Our objective was to create a gathering space and provide support for political and civic activists. Within a decade, we adopted the broader objective of promoting civic space in Myanmar. We use technology to reach the right audiences and promote civic awareness, participation and engagement.

  Right now our work is severely restricted. A few organisations have relocated their offices to border areas or neighbouring countries, but we continue operating inside Myanmar. Since speaking out entails security risks, along with many other activists and organisations we have changed our approach, keeping a low profile. We are also conducting research as a tactical response to understand the challenges and find possible ways out.

  For some of Myanmar’s local civil society activists, life under a repressive regime is not a new experience: they operated under similar conditions before the 2010s. They continue to take numerous risks to serve their communities. Some organisations have also managed to channel international humanitarian assistance to conflict areas and vulnerable populations.

  What kind of work are pro-democracy groups doing and what backlash do they face?

  Restoring democracy is hard work. Pro-democracy groups are working to force a return of power to an elected government. They discuss things such as interim arrangements, political pacts for federalism and a transitional constitution. On the ground, they promote rights and freedoms and defend people from the junta’s repression.

  Having expressed their wish for democracy in the 2020 general election, the public supports pro-democracy groups in various ways, such as by taking part in peaceful demonstrations and campaigns for the suspension of tax payment, boycotting the junta’s products and brands, and joining in so-called ‘social punishment’, a form of protest that consists of doxing members of the junta and their family members – revealing information about their businesses and family connections. Many people inside Myanmar and in the diaspora also contribute financially to support the security of people in conflict areas and provide emergency humanitarian supplies.

  The vital goal of pro-democracy protests is to sustain awareness of fundamental rights and freedoms, provide encouragement and show determination to take action rather than be the junta’s victims. In the earlier days, the protests were joined by people from all walks of life, including young people, students, members of civil society and political parties, government staff and celebrities. Even as the junta used lethal force and arbitrary arrests and committed atrocities, they continued to demonstrate daily in some rural regions and hold occasional flash mobs in urban areas.

  The junta keeps trying to clear out pro-democracy groups and to get the endorsement of the international community. As it finds the latter quite hard, it increasingly focuses on the former. They apply the so-called ‘four cuts’: they try to cut off financial support, rations, information and recruitment by pro-democracy groups. They arrest high-profile businesspeople suspected of supporting them and strictly regulate financial transactions. They deploy police and troops at every crossroads, equip their supporters with weapons and train informants. They have banned numerous news agencies and publications that could counter their propaganda and torched villages that were believed to host pro-democracy groups.

  What will be the consequences of the recent executions of pro-democracy activists?

  In late July the military executed four pro-democracy activists. It was the first time the death penalty was imposed in Myanmar in decades.

  For the junta, this means there is no turning back. They meant it as a message to shock and paralyse people and comfort their hard-line supporters. But it backfired: it fuelled robust determination among pro-democracy groups.

  Internationally, the executions showed that the junta will not play by the rules to gain international recognition. In fact, it has continued to show muscle, using hostage diplomacy. A former British ambassador, recently jailed, became one of the victims of this.

  When they lose power, they will have to face justice. Any transition will have to contemplate transitional justice arrangements to hold everyone who committed crimes against humanity and war crimes accountable in domestic and international courts. They shall not enjoy impunity anymore.

  How can the international community help Myanmar’s civil society?

  Myanmar needs attention and practical coordination. The international community must listen to our people’s voices and reflect on their agendas by following up with quick and responsive actions. Paying attention to local concerns and voices and developing effective international assistance will make people feel more hopeful and maintain their resilience.

  Meanwhile, the junta is trying to boost its legitimacy by holding a controversial election. Elections under its iron fist will never be free and fair. The international community must be clever enough not to recognise such elections, which are a rotten trick the military have used for decades. Endorsing the junta as a legitimate ruler will only prolong the crisis.

  So we ask the international community: please listen to and amplify Myanmar people’s voices!

  ---

  Civic space inMyanmar is rated ‘repressed’by theCIVICUS Monitor.

• MYANMAR: “Casi todos los detenidos nos dicen que fueron golpeados”

  CIVICUS conversa con Manny Maung, investigador en Myanmar de Human Rights Watch (HRW), acerca de la situación de derechos humanos en Myanmar. Anteriormente Manny fue periodista y pasó muchos años viviendo y trabajando en Myanmar.

  Myanmar sigue figurando en la lista de vigilancia de CIVICUS, que incluye a países que recientemente han experimentado rápido deterioro de sus libertades cívicas. En Myanmar los militares tomaron el poder mediante un golpe de estado el 1º de febrero de 2021, arrestaron a los líderes civiles de los gobiernos nacional y estaduales y lanzaron una brutal represión contra el movimiento de protesta en todo el país. Más de seis meses más tarde, el asalto al espacio cívico continúa. Miles de personas han sido detenidas y encarceladas arbitrariamente. Muchas enfrentan acusaciones infundados y se han denunciado torturas y malos tratos durante los interrogatorios, así como muertes bajo custodia.

  

  ¿Cuál es la situación de las libertades cívicas en Myanmar a más de cinco meses del golpe?

  Desde el golpe militar del 1º de febrero, hemos asistido a un rápido deterioro de la situación. Miles de personas han sido detenidas arbitrariamente y cientos han sido asesinadas, mientras que muchas más están escondidas e intentan evitar ser detenidas. HRW ha determinado que los militares han cometido contra la población abusos que equivalen a crímenes contra la humanidad, por lo que es evidente que la situación para la sociedad civil es extremadamente peligrosa, ya que las libertades cívicas se han vuelto inexistentes.

  ¿Sigue activo el movimiento de desobediencia civil (MDC) a pesar de la represión?

  Se siguen realizando protestas a diario, aunque son más pequeñas y ad hoc. Se producen protestas relámpago en todo Myanmar, no solamente en las principales ciudades. Pero estas manifestaciones están ahora algo acalladas, no sólo por la violenta represión de las fuerzas de seguridad, sino también por la devastadora tercera oleada de infecciones por COVID-19. Se han dictado cientos de órdenes de detención contra los líderes de las protestas, incluidos casi 600 médicos que han participado en o liderado el MDC. Periodistas, abogados y líderes de la sociedad civil han sido objeto de ataques, al igual que cualquiera que sea considerado un líder de la protesta o de la huelga. En algunos casos, si las autoridades no encuentran a la persona que pretenden detener, arrestan a sus familiares como forma de castigo colectivo.

  ¿Cuál es la situación de los manifestantes que han sido detenidos y encarcelados?

  Casi todas las personas con las que hablamos que fueron detenidas o acorraladas durante la represión generalizada de las protestas nos cuentan que fueron golpeadas cuando fueron detenidas o mientras estaban retenidas en centros de interrogatorio militares. Un adolescente describió que le golpearon tan fuerte con la culata de un rifle que se desmayó entre entre una y otra paliza. También describió cómo le obligaron a meterse en una fosa y le enterraron hasta el cuello mientras tenía los ojos vendados, todo ello porque las autoridades sospechaban que era un líder de la protesta. Otros han relatado las graves palizas que les propinaron mientras estaban esposados a una silla, que les fueron negados agua y alimentos, que se les privó del sueño y que sufrieron violencia sexual o amenazas de violación.

  Muchos de los manifestantes que siguen detenidos no han tenido realmente un juicio. Algunos han sido acusados y condenados, pero se trata de un número pequeño comparado con los miles que están esperando que sus casos avancen. Muchos de los detenidos que ya han salido de la cárcel nos dicen que han tenido un contacto mínimo, si es que han tenido alguno, con sus abogados. Pero los abogados que los representan también corren riesgos. Al menos seis abogados que defienden a presos políticos han sido detenidos, tres de ellos mientras representaban a un cliente en un proceso judicial.

  ¿Cómo ha afectado al MDC la interrupción de los servicios de internet y televisión?

  La prohibición de la televisión por satélite se ha sumado a las restricciones del acceso a la información. La Junta alegó que las “organizaciones ilegales y las organizaciones de noticias” estaban emitiendo por satélite programas que amenazaban la seguridad del Estado. Pero las prohibiciones parecen dirigirse principalmente a los canales de noticias extranjeros que emiten por satélite en Myanmar, entre ellos dos emisoras independientes en lengua birmana, Voz Democrática de Birmania y Mizzima, a las que la Junta revocó sus licencias de medios en marzo. Los cortes de internet también han dificultado el acceso a la información y la comunicación en tiempo real.

  Los cortes generalizados de internet son una forma de castigo colectivo. Dificultan el acceso a la información y las comunicaciones necesarias para la vida cotidiana, y resultan especialmente disruptivos durante la crisis y la pandemia de COVID-19. Las restricciones también dan cobertura a los abusos de derechos humanos y complican los esfuerzos para documentar las violaciones.

  ¿Por qué ha aumentado la violencia en las zonas étnicas, y cuáles son sus blancos preferidos?

  En algunas partes del país el golpe provocó la reanudación de los combates entre grupos étnicos armados y el ejército. El estado de Rakhine parece ser la excepción, ya que allí el Ejército de Arakan ha negociado un alto el fuego y las protestas contra los militares no han sido tan ruidosas ni generalizadas. Otros grupos étnicos armados, como el Ejército por la Independencia de Kachin y el Ejército de Liberación Nacional de Karen (KNLA), han acogido con satisfacción la resistencia frente a los militares y están proporcionando refugio a quienes huyen de los militares en los territorios que controlan. Los renovados enfrentamientos entre el ejército y el KNLA han dado lugar a diversas violaciones de derechos humanos de la población civil y han desplazado a miles de personas en la frontera entre Tailandia y Myanmar.

  ¿Qué opina de la respuesta de la Asociación de Naciones del Sudeste Asiático (ASEAN) a la situación de Myanmar?

  La ASEAN ha intentado utilizar los canales diplomáticos, pero esta situación no es la habitual. Los militares se han hecho con el poder y han estado cometiendo crímenes contra su propio pueblo, una población civil que ya ha expresado su preferencia en las elecciones. Tras meses de negociaciones inútiles, la ASEAN debería estar preparada para imponer sanciones a Myanmar. Como naciones independientes, los Estados miembros de la ASEAN deben actuar juntos e imponer sanciones selectivas a Myanmar para garantizar que los militares dejen de actuar con total impunidad.

  La reacción del general Min Aung Hlaing, que se ha autoproclamado primer ministro, ante el plan de consenso de cinco puntos propuesto por la ASEAN, muestra su absoluto desprecio por la diplomacia regional y pone de manifiesto que sólo responderá a demostraciones de fuerza, tales como la de cortar su acceso y el de los militares a ingresos del exterior mediante la imposición de sanciones.

  ¿Qué puede hacer la comunidad internacional para apoyar a la sociedad civil e impulsar el retorno a la democracia?

  HRW recomienda que el Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas (CSNU) remita la situación de Myanmar a la Corte Penal Internacional. El CSNU y países influyentes como Estados Unidos, el Reino Unido, Australia, Japón, India, Tailandia y la Unión Europea deberían aplicar sanciones coordinadas para presionar a la junta. El CSNU también debería aprobar una resolución para prohibir la venta de armas a Myanmar.

  En cuanto a las organizaciones internacionales de la sociedad civil, deben seguir defendiendo a los miembros de la sociedad civil que actualmente se encuentran escondidos o detenidos arbitrariamente. Esto significa seguir presionando para que se reconozca la gravedad de la crisis política y humanitaria en Myanmar y presionar a los gobiernos para que actúen en beneficio del pueblo de Myanmar.

  El espacio cívico en Myanmar es calificado como “represivo” por el CIVICUS Monitor.

  Siga a @mannymaung en Twitter.

• MYANMAR: “If this coup is not overturned, there will be many more political prisoners”

  CIVICUS speaks about the recent military coup in Myanmar with Bo Kyi, a former political prisoner and co-founder of theAssistance Association of Political Prisoners (AAPP). Founded in 2000 by former political prisoners living in exile on the Thai-Myanmar border, AAPP has its headquarters in Mae Sot, Thailand and two offices in Myanmar that opened in 2012. AAPP advocates for the release of political prisoners and the improvement of their lives after their release, with programmes aimed at ensuring access to education, vocational training, mental health counselling and healthcare.

• MYANMAR: “Los militares convirtieron a los trabajadores de la salud de héroes en criminales de la noche a la mañana”

  

  CIVICUS conversa con Nay Lin Tun, un médico que colabora habitualmente como voluntario con los equipos de rescate en las zonas de emergencia de la ciudad de Yangon, en Myanmar. Desde que los militares tomaron el poder mediante un golpe de Estado el 1º de febrero de 2021, el ejército ha iniciado unabrutal represión contra el Movimiento de Desobediencia Civil (MDC), un movimiento de protesta que se extendió por todo el país y en el cual losprofesionales de la salud han desempeñado un rol fundamental.

  Desde el golpe de Estado, Nay Lin Tun ha estado en la primera línea tratando a manifestantes heridos por las fuerzas de seguridad. Anteriormente trabajó en el estado de Rakhine prestando atención médica comunitaria móvil a la población rohingya y a otros desplazados internos en zonas afectadas por el conflicto. También participó en la campañaGoalkeepers Youth Action Accelerator, dedicada a acelerar el progreso hacia los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible de las Naciones Unidas.

• MYANMAR: “Los partidos de oposición se quejan de que el organismo electoral censura su discurso”

  CIVICUS conversa con el galardonado periodista Cape Diamond (Pyae Sone Win) acerca de las próximas elecciones en Myanmar. Cape es un periodista multimedia basado en Myanmar que cubre temas de derechos humanos, crisis y conflicto. Actualmente trabaja en forma independiente para Associated Press (AP). Ha cubierto críticamente la crisis de los refugiados rohingya y ha colaborado con numerosos medios internacionales, incluidos Al Jazeera, ABC News y CBS. También contribuyó al documental ganador del premio BAFTA,Myanmar’s Killing Fields, y al ganador de la medalla de oro en el Festival de Cine de Nueva York,The Rohingya Exodus.

   

  Programadas para el 8 de noviembre de 2020, estas elecciones serán las primeras desde 2015, cuando resultaron en una victoria aplastante para la Liga Nacional para la Democracia (LND), y serán apenas las segundas elecciones competitivas desde 1990, cuando la abrumadora victoria de la LND fue anulada por el ejército.

  ¿Cuál es la situación de las libertades cívicas y la sociedad civil en vísperas de las elecciones?

  La situación de la libertad de expresión es muy preocupante. A lo largo de los años, periodistas y activistas de derechos humanos de Myanmar han sufrido acusaciones penales a causa de su trabajo. Se siguen utilizando leyes restrictivas, como la Ley de Telecomunicaciones, la Ley de Asociaciones Ilícitas, la Ley de Secretos Oficiales y las disposiciones sobre difamación del Código Penal, para enjuiciar a activistas y periodistas. También se ha utilizado la Ley de Procesión y Reunión Pacífica contra los manifestantes.

  Muchos partidos políticos se han quejado de que la Comisión Electoral de la Unión (UEC), el órgano electoral, ha censurado los mensajes que emitirán en la televisión nacional antes de las elecciones. Por ejemplo, Ko Ko Gyi, presidente del Partido Popular, dijo que las modificaciones que hizo la UEC en su discurso de campaña le impiden expresar plenamente la postura política de su partido frente a las elecciones. Dos partidos, el Partido Democrático para una Nueva Sociedad y Fuerza Nacional Democrática, cancelaron sus transmisiones electorales en protesta por la censura.

  Al mismo tiempo, los críticos dicen que el órgano electoral está predispuesto a favor del partido gobernante, el NLD, que lidera Aung San Suu Kyi. Es un tema al que debemos estar atentos y sobre el cual tenemos que hablar para garantizar elecciones creíbles.

  ¿Ha habido acercamientos del órgano electoral a la sociedad civil?

  He escuchado que la actual UEC no ha buscado activamente un vínculo con la sociedad civil. La UEC inicialmente prohibió que la Alianza Popular para unas Elecciones Creíbles (PACE), uno de los grupos de monitoreo electoral más grandes del país, monitoreara las elecciones. La UEC acusó a la PACE de no estar registrada bajo la ley que rige a las organizaciones de la sociedad civil y de recibir financiamiento de fuentes internacionales. A pesar de que la UEC acabo permitiéndole operar, la organización está experimentando dificultades para hacerlo, debido a las restricciones recientemente impuestas a causa del COVID-19.

  ¿Cuáles son los principales temas en torno de los cuales girará la campaña?

  La pandemia de COVID-19 y la guerra civil en curso en el país son nuestros principales problemas en este momento. Está muy claro que el partido gobernante y el gobierno no están prestando suficiente atención a la situación de las minorías en las regiones que sufren la guerra civil.

  Es preocupante que el país esté atravesando una pandemia, que creo que no tiene suficiente capacidad para manejar. Al 29 de septiembre de 2020, hemos tenido un total de 11,000 casos reportados y 284 muertes a causa del COVID-19. El aumento de las infecciones en las últimas semanas ha sido preocupante, ya que en agosto solo tuvimos alrededor de 400 casos confirmados. Me preocupa que la situación sea segura para que la gente salga a votar en las elecciones.

  Más de 20 partidos políticos han enviado al órgano electoral solicitudes para que postergue las elecciones debido a la pandemia, pero fueron rechazadas. El partido gobernante no está dispuesto a posponer las elecciones.

  ¿Será posible desarrollar una campaña “normal” en este contexto?

  No creo que sea posible tener mítines de campaña normales como los de las elecciones pasadas, las de 2015, ya que estamos en plena pandemia. El gobierno ha tomado varias medidas para combatir la propagación de la enfermedad, entre ellas la prohibición de las reuniones de personas. Los partidos políticos no pueden hacer campaña en las áreas que están en situación de semi-confinamiento.

  Las principales ciudades, como Yangon y su región metropolitana, así como algunos municipios de Mandalay, están en semi-confinamiento, bajo un programa que el gobierno ha llamado “Quédate en casa”. Al mismo tiempo, todo el estado de Rakhine, que está experimentando la guerra civil, también se encuentra en semi-confinamiento. Me temo que la gente en la zona de guerra civil no pueda salir a votar.

  Para dirigirse a sus públicos, los candidatos utilizan tanto las redes sociales como los medios convencionales. Sin embargo, como señalé anteriormente, algunos partidos opositores han sido censurados por la UEC. Algunos integrantes de la oposición han denunciado un trato injusto por parte de la UEC y el gobierno, mientras que el partido gobernante está usando su poder para expandir su popularidad. Esto claramente perjudicará las chances electorales de la oposición.

  ¿Qué desafíos específicos enfrentan los candidatos en el estado de Rakhine?

  Como todo el estado de Rakhine está sujeto a restricciones por el COVID-19, los candidatos no pueden hacer campaña en forma presencial. Por lo tanto, en general realizan campañas en las redes sociales. Al mismo tiempo, en muchos municipios del estado de Rakhine ha habido un prolongado corte del servicio de Internet, impuesto a causa de los combates en curso entre el Ejército de Arakan y las fuerzas militares. Me preocupa que la gente allí no pueda obtener suficiente información en torno de las elecciones.

  El gobierno de Myanmar también está utilizando la discriminatoria Ley de Ciudadanía de 1982 y la Ley Electoral para privar de sus derechos a las personas rohingya y evitar que se postulen para competir por cargos políticos. Los funcionarios electorales impidieron la presentación de la candidatura de Kyaw Min, líder del Partido de la Democracia y los Derechos Humanos (DHRP), liderado por personas rohingya. Kyaw Min fue descalificado junto con otros dos candidatos del DHRP porque supuestamente sus padres no eran ciudadanos, como lo exige la ley electoral. Esta es una de las diversas herramientas que se utilizan para oprimir a la población rohingya.

  En octubre, la UEC lanzó una aplicación para teléfonos inteligentes que fue criticada por utilizar un rótulo despectivo en referencia a las personas musulmanas rohingya. La aplicación mVoter2020, destinada a generar conciencia entre los votantes, se refiere a por lo menos dos candidatos del grupo étnico rohingya como “bengalíes”, lo cual sugiere que se trata de inmigrantes procedentes de Bangladesh, pese a que la mayoría de las personas rohingya ha vivido en Myanmar durante generaciones. Esta etiqueta es rechazada por muchos rohingya. Además, no podrá votar ninguno de los más de un millón de rohingya refugiados en Bangladesh, ni tampoco los cientos de miles dispersos en otros países.

  El espacio cívico enMyanmar es calificado como “represivo” por elCIVICUS Monitor.

  Siga a@cape_diamond en Twitter. 

• MYANMAR: “Nearly everyone detained tells us they were beaten”

  CIVICUS speaks to Manny Maung, Myanmar researcher for Human Rights Watch (HRW), about the human rights situation in Myanmar. Manny was previously a journalist and spent many years living and working in Myanmar,

  Myanmar remains on the CIVICUS Monitor Watchlist as a country that has seen a recent and rapid decline in civic freedoms. The Myanmar military seized power in a coup on 1 February 2021, arrested the civilian leaders of the national and state governments and launched a brutal crackdown against the protest movement. More than six months on, the assault on civic space persists. Thousands have been arbitrarily arrested and detained. Many face baseless charges and there have been reports of torture and ill-treatment during interrogation, and of deaths in custody.

  

  What is the situation of civic freedoms in Myanmar more than five months after the coup?

  Since the military coup on 1 February, we’ve seen a rapid deterioration of the situation. Thousands have been arbitrarily detained and hundreds have been killed, while many more are in hiding and trying to evade arrest. HRW has determined that the military has committed abuses that amount to crimes against humanity against its population, so quite clearly the situation for civil society is extremely dangerous as civic freedoms have become non-existent.

  Is the civil disobedience movement (CDM) still active despite the repression?

  Protests are still being held daily, although they are smaller and more ad hoc. Flash strikes are popping up all over Myanmar, not just in major cities. But these demonstrations are now slightly muted, not just due to the violent crackdowns by the security forces, but also because of the devastating third wave of COVID-19 infections. Hundreds of arrest warrants have been issued for protest leaders, including against almost 600 medical doctors who participated in or led the CDM earlier on. Journalists, lawyers and civil society leaders have all been targeted and so has anyone who is deemed to be a protest or strike leader. In some cases, if the authorities can’t find the individual who they are targeting for arrest, they arrest their family members as a form of collective punishment.

  What is the situation of protesters that have been arrested and detained?

  Nearly everyone we speak to who was detained or rounded up during widespread crackdowns on protests tells us they were beaten when they were arrested or being held in military interrogation centres. One teenager described to me how he was beaten so hard with a rifle butt that he passed out in between beatings. He also described how he was forced into a pit and buried up to his neck while blindfolded, all because the authorities suspected him of being a protest leader. Others have described severe beatings while being handcuffed to a chair, being denied food and water and deprived of sleep, and experiencing sexual violence or the threat of rape.

  Many protesters who are still detained have not had serious trials. Some have been charged and convicted, but that’s a small number compared to the thousands who are waiting to have their cases move forward. Many detainees who have since been released from prison tell us they had minimal contact, if any, with their lawyers. But the lawyers who represent them also face risks. At least six lawyers defending political prisoners have been arrested, three of them while representing a client in a trial proceeding.

  How has the disruption of internet and television services affected the CDM?

  Bans on satellite television have added to the restrictions on access to information. The junta claimed that ‘illegal organisations and news organisations’ were broadcasting programmes via satellite that threatened state security. But the bans appear primarily targeted at foreign news channels that broadcast via satellite into Myanmar, including two independent Myanmar-language broadcasters, Democratic Voice of Burma and Mizzima, both of which had their media licences revoked by the junta in March. Internet shutdowns have also made it difficult for people to access information and communicate with each other in real time.

  Blanket internet shutdowns are a form of collective punishment. They hinder access to information and communications that’s needed for daily life but especially during crisis and the Covid-19 pandemic. The restrictions also provide cover for human rights abuses and complicate efforts to document violations.

  Why has violence in the ethnic areas increased, and who is being targeted?

  The coup sparked renewed fighting in some parts of the country between ethnic armed groups and the military. Rakhine State appears to be the exception, as the Arakan Army has negotiated a ceasefire there, and protests against the military have not been as vocal or widespread. Other ethnic armed groups such as the Kachin Independence Army and the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) have welcomed resistance to the military and are providing safe haven to those fleeing from the military in the territories they control. Renewed clashes between the military and the KNLA have resulted in a number of human rights violations on civilians and have displaced thousands on the Thai-Myanmar border.

  What do you think of the response by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to the situation in Myanmar so far?

  ASEAN has attempted to follow diplomatic channels, but this is not a situation where it’s business as usual. The military has seized power and has been committing crimes against its own people – a civilian population that has already voted for its preferred government. After months of futile negotiations, ASEAN should be prepared to impose penalties on Myanmar. As independent nations, ASEAN member states should act together and impose targeted sanctions on Myanmar to ensure the military no longer acts with total impunity.

  The reaction by General Min Aung Hlaing, who has made himself the Prime Minister, to the five-point consensus plan proposed by ASEAN shows his utter disdain for regional diplomacy and makes it apparent that he will only respond to tough acts – such as cutting off his and the military’s access to foreign revenue through smart sanctions.

  What can the international community do to support civil society and push for a return to democratic rule?

  HRW recommends that the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) refers the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court. The UNSC and influential countries such as the USA, the UK, Australia, Japan, India, Thailand and the European Union should apply coordinated sanctions to pressure the junta. The UNSC should also pass a resolution to ban the sales of weapons to Myanmar.

  As for international civil society organisations, they should continue to advocate on behalf of civil society members who are currently in hiding or being held in arbitrary detention. This means continuing to push for recognition of the severity of the political and humanitarian crisis in Myanmar and pushing for governments to act in favour of the people of Myanmar.

  Civic space in Myanmar is rated as ‘repressed’ by the CIVICUS Monitor.

  Follow @mannymaung on Twitter.

• MYANMAR: “Si el golpe no se revierte, habrá muchos más presos políticos”

  CIVICUS conversa sobre el reciente golpe militar en Myanmar con Bo Kyi, ex preso político y cofundador de la Asociación de Asistencia a Presos Políticos (AAPP). Fundada en 2000 por antiguos presos políticos que viven exiliados en la frontera entre Tailandia y Myanmar, AAPP tiene su sede en Mae Sot (Tailandia) y dos oficinas en Myanmar que abrieron en 2012. La AAPP aboga por la liberación de los presos políticos y el mejoramiento de sus vidas tras su puesta en libertad, con programas destinados a garantizar su acceso a la educación, la formación profesional, el asesoramiento en salud mental y la asistencia sanitaria.

• MYANMAR: “The military turned medical workers from heroes to criminals overnight”

  

  CIVICUS speaks to Nay Lin Tun, a medical doctor who regularly volunteers with rescue teams in emergency areas in the city of Yangon, Myanmar. Since the military seized power through a coup on 1 February 2021, the army has launched abrutal crackdown against the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), a protest movement that spread across the country.Medical workers have played a key role in the movement.

  Ever since the coup, Nay Lin Tun has been on the frontline treating protesters injured by the security forces. He previously worked in Rakhine State providing mobile community-based medical care to Rohingya people and other internally displaced populations in conflict-affected areas. He was also involved in theGoalkeepers Youth Action Accelerator campaign dedicated to accelerating progress towards the UN Sustainable Development Goals.

  What has the situation been since the coup? How has the medical system been affected?

  Since the military coup occurred on 1 February, our lives entered darkness: internet access, the freedom of expression, the freedom of speech and all our basic human rights have been denied. I cannot believe that such a military coup can still happen in the 21st century. We live in a cycle of fear every day and are afraid of getting arrested or killed for no reason.

  People were already in a stage of desperation before the coup, due to the social and economic hardships associated with the COVID-19 pandemic. They were hoping that their business would recover and grow when COVID-19 infection figures fell in Myanmar. Now, all these plans are gone. People have said they would rather die fighting for a democratic future than live under a military junta.

  Almost all government departments and ministries are shut down because the CDM is boycotting all services linked to the military and promoting labour strikes and walkouts by civil servants and other workers. Health systems have all collapsed.

  Worryingly, COVID-19 prevention and control mechanisms have also stopped since the coup, as has the vaccination campaign. The authorities bought 30 million COVID-19 vaccine doses from the Indian government, which were shipped in January and April 2021. But there are lots of data discrepancies between those who have received the first dose and those who have received the second: 1.54 million people have received the COVID-19 vaccine once but only 0.34 million have been vaccinated for a second time. This shows the failure of the vaccination programme. In addition, the COVID-19 surveillance system has been slow and has low testing capacities. This puts many people at risk in case a third or fourth wave of COVID-19 hits Myanmar.

  How are medical workers responding to the pandemic and the coup?

  Myanmar healthcare professionals have shown their strength and commitment, and have been hailed as COVID-19 heroes, since the beginning of the 2020 COVID-19 outbreak. At that time, there were not enough resources to treat those infected and cases began rising; deaths reached a total of 3,209 (according to the Ministry of Health and Sports (MOHS) website, COVID-19 Dashboard data updated on 4 May 2021). But, due to our admirable health heroes and good leadership, the slope of COVID-19 infections declined in late 2020 and people in Myanmar began to receive vaccines in the last week of January 2021. Myanmar was the third country to have a COVID-19 vaccination programme in the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) region, right after more developed countries such as Indonesia and Singapore.

  But all these positive developments have been destroyed overnight. On 1 February, all elected government officials, including State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, were detained. People have not been willing to accept this takeover by an abusive military junta and are showing their anger on the streets. The military forces have brutally cracked down on the protests with lethal weapons and real bullets. This has led to 769 people being killed as of 4 May, according to data from the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP). Due to the military coup, government workers left their jobs to join the CDM. It was medical workers from the MOHS who initiated this movement, and they were followed by those in other departments and ministries.

  Therefore, the military has targeted government staff involved in the CDM protest movement and those who support them. They have tried to arrest them using a new provision in the Penal Code, Section 505A, that can be used to punish comments regarding the illegitimacy of the coup or the military government, among other violations. These are punishable with up to three years in prison.

  By doing so, the military turned medical workers from heroes to criminals overnight. The military spokesperson for the Tatmadaw Information Team, Brigadier-General Zaw Min Tun, has even accused government doctors who withdrew their services after joining the CDM of murdering people in cold blood.

  In reality, CDM doctors are helping the public in various ways, including by providing free treatment at private hospitals and charity clinics, making home visits and providing telephone counselling. Due to the military coup, people have faced numerous challenges and insecurity both day and night. Curfews are in place from 8 pm to 6 am in all states and regions except Rakhine State. In addition, the internet is blocked for those accessing it via SIM cards and Wi-Fi services; as a result, most people lack internet access and the flow of information is restricted. All these conditions have had a major impact on people’s ability to reach out to healthcare services on time.

  What risks do medical workers face for speaking out?

  Currently, all the medical doctors who help anti-coup protesters risk arrest and those who joined the CDM are on an arrest list. Up to now, according to AAPP data, more than 4,700 people, including elected leaders, election commissioners, anti-regime protesters, teachers, doctors, journalists, writers, artists and civilians, have been arrested since the coup. Therefore, if we speak out, we face a high risk of arrest anytime, any day in any place.

  According to the latest information, not even free charity clinics are now allowed to accept CDM doctors or admit wounded patients for treatment. The military is also acting against private hospitals, which are forced to shut down, and have their doctors arrested if they accept CDM doctors’ consultations.

  Have you witnessed military violence against civilians?

  On the evening of 9 April, reports began emerging that security forces had killed scores of people in the city of Bago, about 80 kilometres north-east of Yangon, after unleashing heavy weapons and grenades to disperse protesters occupying barricades. Before launching the operation in Bago, the armed forces had blocked the roads, preventing ambulances from picking up the wounded, many of whom were eventually dumped in a monastery compound.

  At least 80 people were killed in Bago that day, but the final death toll will probably never be known. Something else we will likely never know is how many of the wounded died because they did not receive treatment. I arrived in Bago three days later to help treat the wounded. It was a difficult task. Many injured protesters were in hiding, for fear they would be arrested if they sought treatment. We were also told that volunteer medical workers had been detained by the security forces.

  As a frontline medical volunteer, I have regularly witnessed the brutality of the junta’s operations to disperse protesters. The first time was during a protest near Thanlyin Technological University in the outer south-eastern Yangon Region on 9 March. Troops had occupied the campus, and students were protesting peacefully to demand that they leave. The security forces suddenly opened fire with live rounds, leaving several people injured. We began treating some of the injured in a safe house not far from the site of the protest, but then soldiers arrived nearby, and we had to quickly evacuate the patients to another safe house. Thankfully, we managed to get them to a safe location and continued treating them.

  How can the international community support medical workers?

  Attacks on health facilities and personnel must be documented by national and international bodies. We are lucky that the World Health Organization has a surveillance system on attacks on healthcare facilities and personnel, which are recorded daily. From 1 February to 30 April, there were at least 158 attacks on healthcare facilities, vehicles, staff and supplies, as well as against patients, resulting in 11 deaths and 51 injuries. These facts help people understand the scope of the problem and can guide the design of interventions to prevent and respond to the attacks. But in Myanmar, there isn’t a leading organisation that can take action to prevent attacks and violence against healthcare personnel. Therefore, we need international pressure on Myanmar authorities and need international humanitarian organisations to address this issue seriously. 

  The international community should stand together with us in condemning the attacks on healthcare facilities and workers and unite with Myanmar healthcare workers in speaking out forcefully against all acts of discrimination, intimidation and violence against healthcare workers and facilities. Support to frontline medical workers in the form of medicines and other emergency aid would also be welcome.

  What is your hope for Myanmar?

  I wish for a day when all our healthcare workers receive full respect in accordance with our professional role. In other countries, medical professionals also held protests against their government, but their governments engaged with them and worked out agreements to end the protests because medical workers deal with millions of patients and in a democracy, their protests could have an impact on elected officials. Therefore, doctors’ strikes in other countries did not last long.

  It is the opposite in Myanmar. The military has unleashed a brutal crackdown on striking doctors and has arrested health workers. Doctors who are involved in the CDM can be sentenced to up to three years of imprisonment. CDM doctors have also been arrested at their homes and even in their clinics while providing treatment to patients. Therefore, it will be a very meaningful day for all our medical workers in Myanmar when we get full respect for our work.

  We also aspire to have a professional body that can protect all healthcare workers from attacks. The Myanmar Medical Association and Medical Council have silently witnessed the arrest of our brothers and sisters in the medical sector. We should receive full protection from a strong medical association.

  Last but not least, according to medical ethics reflected in the Hippocratic Oath, we have a full duty of care for the safety of patients that require treatment. Treatment of needy patients in an emergency should not be seen as a crime. But our medical teams are targeted for arrest for providing medical assistance. We wish one day all our medical workers will have freedom of care with no limitation.

  Civic space inMyanmaris rated as ‘repressed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.

• Myanmar: A return to military dictatorship must be prevented

  Special session of the Human Rights Council on the human rights implications of the crisis in Myanmar

  CIVICUS thanks the UK and EU for your leadership in calling for this Special Session. The situation in Myanmar for our partners and members is grave, critical and moving fast; the risk of increasingly severe violations to fundamental freedoms and a rapidly deteriorating human rights situation cannot be overstated. We welcome that the Council, led by the UK and the EU, is willing and able to respond to this emergency with speed. 

  The people of Myanmar have spoken, and continue to speak out, at grave personal risk. The High Commissioner for Human Rights has already raised deep fears of a violent crackdown on dissenting voices. We see the beginning of this crackdown already. Activists have been detained; peaceful protesters suppressed with excessive force. Journalists have been threatened. Internet was briefly shut down, plunging the country into a communication blackout and there are plans to introduce new restrictive cyber laws. 

  The warning signs are ominous: Myanmar risks returning to the days of mass incarceration of human rights defenders and pro-democracy activists, violent crackdowns on mass protests, and isolation both inside and outside.  

  Steps taken towards democracy, however tentative and fragile and imperfect, must be protected and a return to military dictatorship prevented.  

  The most valuable role for the Human Rights Council at this critical point would be to put into place measures of enhanced monitoring and reporting which protects those on the ground subject to human rights violations, contributes to further action if necessary, and forwards accountability for such violations. It is essential that a strong resolution is adopted by the Council to achieve this. 

  The opportunity for the Council to take strong action to this end is right in front of it. 

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  Civic space in the Myanmar is rated as Repressed by the CIVICUS Monitor

   
• Myanmar: Activistas entre rejas

  

  Tras el golpe militar de febrero de 2021, miles de personas han sido arrestadas, detenidas y atacadas arbitrariamente en Myanmar, entre ellas personas que defienden los derechos humanos, sindicalistas, periodistas, activistas políticos y estudiantiles, poetas, escritores y monjes. 

  Tal y como ha documentado el CIVICUS Monitor, muchos de ellos se enfrentan a cargos infundados y también se han denunciado torturas y malos tratos durante los interrogatorios, así como muertes bajo custodia. A continuación, presentamos algunas de las personas defensoras de los derechos humanos y activistas que han sido detenidas por la Junta.

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  Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi - director de cine  

  El cineasta Min Htin Ko Gyi fue detenido el 1 de febrero de 2021, tras el golpe de Estado militar. Se trata de un destacado cineasta y fundador del Human Dignity Film Institute. Ha producido el documental "Floating Tomatoes", ganador de un premio, sobre el desastroso efecto que están teniendo los pesticidas en el lago Inle de Myanmar.

  En agosto de 2019, fue detenido y condenado a un año de prisión, en virtud del artículo 505(a) del Código Penal de Myanmar, por el Tribunal del municipio de Insein, por una serie de publicaciones en Facebook en las que criticaba la Constitución de 2008, redactada por los militares, y el papel de éstos en la política.

  (Foto: Myanmar NOW) 

  Ko Min Thway Thit - estudiante activista 

  El activista estudiantil Ko Min Thway Thit fue detenido el 1 de febrero de 2021, tras el golpe de Estado. Ya había sido encarcelado en 2015 por su papel en las protestas contra el nuevo proyecto de ley de educación y liberado en 2016.

  También fue uno de las cuatro personas multadas con 30.000 kyats por organizar una protesta sin permiso el 7 de julio de 2019 para conmemorar la masacre de activistas estudiantiles de Ne Win en 1962.
  
  (Foto: Burma News International) 

  Mya Aye - activista de la generación 88

  Este destacado activista por la democracia y uno de los líderes de la Generación del 88 fue detenido el 1 de febrero de 2021, tras el golpe de Estado. En dos ocasiones fue arrestado por la antigua junta por su activismo político durante y después del levantamiento de 1988, y cumplió un total de 12 años en prisión.

  Se enfrenta a cargos de incitación al odio en virtud del artículo 505(c) del Código Penal, que conlleva hasta dos años de prisión.

   

  (Foto: The Myanmar Times)

  Shwe Nya Wah Sayadaw - monje budista prodemocracia

  El monje budista Shwe Nya War Sayadaw fue detenido el 1 de febrero de 2021, tras el golpe de Estado. Fue detenido por los militares en su monasterio de Yangon. Es un monje crítico con el movimiento 969, apoyado por monjes budistas nacionalistas.

  En 2012 se le ordenó que abandonara su monasterio en Yangon debido a un discurso que pronunció en un acto en favor de la democracia en la oficina de Mandalay de la Liga Nacional para la Democracia, en el que había pedido públicamente la liberación de los presos políticos y el fin de las guerras civiles en curso.

   (Foto: Kaung Htet/ The Myanmar Times)

  Thin Thin Aung - defensora de los derechos de las mujeres

  Thin Thin Aung fue detenida arbitrariamente el 8 de abril de 2021 en el municipio de Botahtaung, en Yangon, y llevada al centro de interrogatorio militar de Yay Kyi Ai, en el municipio de Insein, en Yangon. El 9 de abril de 2021, las fuerzas de seguridad militares allanaron su apartamento en Yangon e incautaron sus pertenencias, incluidos sus ordenadores. Ese mismo día la llevaron al centro de interrogatorio de Mingalardon (Yay Kyi Aing). Tras ser torturada durante dos semanas, fue trasladada a la prisión de Insein de Yangon el 21 de abril de 2021. Ha sido acusada de acuerdo con el artículo 505 (a) del Código Penal.

  Es cofundadora de la Agencia de Noticias Mizzima y de la Liga de Mujeres de Birmania (WLB), fundadora de Mujeres por la Justicia, antes conocida como Asociación de Derechos y Bienestar de las Mujeres de Birmania (WRWAB). Desde el levantamiento de 1988, Thin Thin Aung ha dedicado su vida a la lucha por la democracia y los derechos humanos en Myanmar. Ha pasado la mayor parte de su tiempo abogando a nivel local e internacional por la justicia de los derechos humanos de las mujeres. 

  Ko Wai Moe Naing - líder de protestas

  Ko Wai Moe Naing, destacado líder de las protestas contra la junta en Monywa, región de Sagaing, fue golpeado y arrastrado por las fuerzas de la junta después de que su motocicleta fuera embestida el 15 de abril de 2021.  Al día siguiente de su detención, se hizo viral una foto en la que aparentemente aparece torturado.

  Wai Moe Naing se reunió con sus abogados por primera vez el 27 de mayo de 2021, más de un mes después de su detención. Al parecer, se enfrenta a un total de 10 cargos penales, entre ellos traición, asesinato, incitación, asociación ilícita, confinamiento ilegal y robo a mano armada.

  (Foto: Myanmar NOW) 

  Ma Myo Aye - lideresa sindical

  Ma Myo Aye es una de las principales líderes sindicales de Myanmar. Fue detenida el 15 de abril de 2021, en su oficina del municipio de Shwepyithar, por alrededor de 40 miembros de las fuerzas de seguridad de la Junta Militar, que la llevaron a una comisaría para ser interrogada.

  Es directora del Sindicato de Solidaridad de Myanmar (STUM) y ha sido una de las líderes sindicales más destacadas del movimiento de desobediencia civil, que lleva organizando huelgas y protestas nacionales desde que los militares tomaron el poder.

  (Foto: Twitter/@cleanclothes) 

  Man Zar Myay Mon - defensor del derecho a la tierra y al medio ambiente

  Man Zar Myay Mon es un defensor del derecho a la tierra y al medio ambiente en la región de Sagaing. Fue detenido por soldados en la mañana del 8 de junio de 2021 cuando intentaba huir del pueblo de Shan Htoo, municipio de Chaung-U, región de Sagaing. Los soldados le dispararon en la pierna mientras conducía una motocicleta, lo capturaron inmediatamente, lo esposaron y le vendaron los ojos. Está retenido en un centro de interrogatorios en el cuartel general del Comando Noroeste del Tatmadaw en Monywa, región de Sagaing.

  Tras convertirse en una figura destacada de las protestas pacíficas contra el golpe de Estado, en marzo de 2021 Man Zar Myay Mon fue acusado de "incitación" en virtud del artículo 505(a) del Código Penal por su participación en las manifestaciones y se dictó una orden de detención contra él, lo que le obligó a esconderse. Ha trabajado durante muchos años para promover la responsabilidad de las industrias extractivas en beneficio de las comunidades locales. También participó activamente como uno de los líderes comunitarios en las protestas contra la mina de Letpadaung, en la región de Sagaing.
  (Foto: The Irrawaddy)

  Ma Chan Bu - periodista

  El 29 de marzo, las fuerzas de seguridad golpearon y detuvieron a la reportera Ma Chan Bu, de la cadena 74 Media, mientras cubría una protesta en Myitkyina, estado de Kachin. Fue detenida junto con Ko La Raw, de Kachin Wave. Ambos medios de comunicación tienen su sede en la capital del estado de Kachin. Ha sido acusada de acuerdo con el artículo 505a del Código Penal.

  Según los informes del 15 de julio de 2021, casi la mitad de los 87 periodistas detenidos por la Junta de Myanmar en los cinco meses transcurridos desde el golpe de Estado siguen detenidos. 31 reporteros quedaron en libertad antes del 30 de junio de 2021, cuando la junta declaró una amnistía general y liberó a 2.300 presos de las cárceles del país, entre ellos otros 14 periodistas. En la mayoría de los casos, las autoridades acusaron a los reporteros de difamar a los militares en virtud del artículo 505 (a). En la actualidad, decenas de reporteros se encuentran en la clandestinidad.

  (Foto: BNI Multimedia Group)

• Myanmar: Activists behind bars

  

  Following the February 2021 military coup, thousands in Myanmar have been arbitrarily arrested, detained, and attacked including human rights defenders, trade unionists, journalists, political and student activists, poets, writers, and monks. 

  As documented by the CIVICUS Monitor, many are facing baseless charges and there have also been reports of torture and ill-treatment during interrogation, and of deaths in custody. The following are some of the human rights defenders and activists who have been detained by the junta.

  Updated January 2023

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  LGBTQI+ activist Sue Sha Shinn Thant  

  Sue Sha Shinn Thant was arrested in Mandalay in October 2021. She is a transgender woman who has campaigned for the Prevention of Violence Against Woman Bill in Myanmar. She was a union-level representative in the Mandalay Region Youth Affairs Committee before the junta seized power. Since the coup Sue Sha Shinn Thant played a leading role in anti-dictatorship protests in Mandalay.

  On 14th December 2022, she was sentenced to 22 years in prison by a junta court in Mandalay. Obo Prison Court handed down the sentence for allegedly violating Section 505 (b) of Myanmar’s Penal code for inciting sedition against the state, and Section 50 (j) of the Counter Terrorism Law for aiding and abetting murder. She had already received a three-year sentence for allegedly inciting sedition against the military.

   (Photo Credit: The Irrawady) 

  Poet and activist Lu Phan Kar 

  On 20th December 2022, Lu Phan Kar, who led anti-regime protests in Ayeyarwady region’s Pathein city, was sentenced to another two years in prison for incitement against the military under Section 505 (a) of Myanmar’s Penal Code. Lu Phan Kar is a published poet who began leading anti-junta demonstrations in Ayeyarwady region following the coup. In November 2021, Lu Phan Kar was sentenced to 26 years in prison under Sections 122 and 124 of the Penal Code for sedition and treason, and six months for breaking prison rules.

  (Photo Credit: RFA) 

   

  Activist Thae Su Naing 

  Thae Su Naing, a member of Myanmar’s Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was sentenced to seven years in prison by Meiktila Court in Mandalay region on 30th August 2022. The 24-year-old teacher was a former chairwoman of the Meiktila University Students’ Union and taught in the local township.

  Thae Su Naing was sentenced under Section 52 (A) of the Counter-Terrorism Law. Sentences under the law range from three to seven years. Thae Su Naing was arrested by the army at her home in Meiktila township in November 2021 and accused of being a People’s Defence Force (PDF) leader and held for nine months before being sentenced. 

  (Photo Credit: DVB English) 

  Student activist Su Yee Lin 

  Su Yee Lin was the chair of the Eastern Yangon University Students’ Union. She was were arrested in Yangon on 20th December 2021 while on her way to a protest in Thingangyun Township. In April 2022, she was sentenced to three years’ imprisonment.

  (Photo Credit: Twitter/ @NanLin96) 

   

   

  Student activist Min Thukha Kyaw 

  Thae Su Naing, a member of Myanmar’s Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was sentenced to seven years in prison by Meiktila Court in Mandalay region on 30th August 2022. The 24-year-old teacher was a former chairwoman of the Meiktila University Students’ Union and taught in the local township.

  Thae Su Naing was sentenced under Section 52 (A) of the Counter-Terrorism Law. Sentences under the law range from three to seven years. Thae Su Naing was arrested by the army at her home in Meiktila township in November 2021 and accused of being a People’s Defence Force (PDF) leader and held for nine months before being sentenced. 

  (Photo Credit: Myanmar Now) 

  Filmmaker Ma Aeint

  Ma Aeint was detained in June 2021 and after ten months in jail as a political prisoner, was found guilty of breaching Article 505A of Myanmar’s criminal code which penalises “causing fear, spreading fake news or agitating against government employees.” She was sentenced to three years of jail, with hard labour, by a court in Yangon, Myanmar.

  (Photo Credit: Mizzima News) 

   

  Protest leader Ko Wai Moe Naing 

  Ko Wai Moe Naing, a prominent anti-junta protest leader in Monywa, Sagaing Region, was beaten and dragged away by junta forces after his motorcycle was rammed on 15th April 2021. A photo apparently showing him to have been badly tortured went viral the day after his arrest

  Wai Moe Naing’s trial took place at a military court located inside Monywa Prison, On 12 August 2022, he was found guilty of committing multiple counts of incitement under section 505(A) of the Penal Code, which has been routinely used by the military junta to target critics of the regime. Following the conviction, Wai Moe Naing was sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment.

  (Photo Credit: Myanmar NOW) 

  Land and environmental rights defender, Man Zar Myay Mon 

  Man Zar Myay Mon is an activist from the Sagaing Region. He has worked for many years to promote accountability of the extractive industries for the benefit of local communities. He was also active as one of the community leaders in the Letpadaung mine protests in Sagaing Region.

  After he became a leading figure of peaceful anti-coup protests, in March 2021 Man Zar Myay Mon was charged with “incitement” under Article 505(a) of the Penal Code for his participation in the demonstrations.

  He was detained on the morning of 8 June 2021, by soldiers while he was attempting to flee Shan Htoo Village, Chaung-U Township, Sagaing Region. The soldiers shot him in the leg while he was riding a motorbike, immediately captured him, handcuffed him, and blindfolded him. He is being held at an interrogation center at the headquarters of the Tatmadaw’s Northwestern Command in Monywa, Sagaing Region

  In March 2022, he was sentenced to two years in prison.

  (Photo Credit: The Irrawaddy) 

  RELEASED 

  Journalist Ma Chan Bu

  Security forces beat and arrested reporter Ma Chan Bu from the 74 Media on 29 March while she was covering a protest in Myitkyina, Kachin State. She was arrested with Ko La Raw, who is with Kachin Wave. Both media outlets are based in the Kachin State capital. She has been charged under Section 505a of the Penal Code. 

  According to reports as of 15 July 2021, nearly half of the 87 journalists arrested by Myanmar’s junta in the five months since the coup remain in detention. 31 reporters were released prior to 30 June 2021 when the junta declared a general amnesty and freed 2,300 prisoners from the country’s jails, including another 14 journalists. In most cases, authorities charged reporters with defamation of the military under Section 505 (a). Dozens of reporters are currently in hiding. She was released on 19 October 2021.

  (Photo Credit: BNI Multimedia Group)

  Women human rights defender Thin Thin Aung 

  Thin Thin Aung was arbitrarily arrested on 8 April 2021 from Botahtaung Township in Yangon and taken to the Yay Kyi Ai military interrogation centre in Yangon’s Insein Township. On 9 April 2021, military security forces raided her apartment in Yangon and seized her belongings, including her computers. She was taken to the Mingalardon interrogation centre (Yay Kyi Aing) on the same day. After being tortured for two weeks, she was transferred to Yangon’s Insein prison on 21 April 2021. She has been charged under Section 505 (a) of the Penal Code. 

  She is a co-founder of Mizzima News Agency and the Women’s League of Burma (WLB), the founder of Women for Justice formerly known as Women’s Rights and Welfare Association of Burma (WRWAB). Since the 1988 uprising, Thin Thin Aung has dedicated her life to the fight for democracy and human rights in Myanmar. She has spent most of her time advocating locally and internationally for justice for women’s human rights. She was released on 19 October 2021.

  

  Trade union leader, Ma Myo Aye 

  One of Myanmar’s leading trade union leaders, Ma Myo Aye was arrested on 15th April 2021. She was arrested at her office in Yangon’s Shwepyithar Township by around 40 members of the military junta’s security forces. Myo Aye was then taken to a police station for interrogation. 

  She is director of Solidarity Trade Union of Myanmar (STUM) and has been one of the most prominent union leaders in the civil disobedience movement, which has been organising national strikes and protests since the military seized power.  She was released on 19 October 2021.

  (Photo Credit: Twitter/@cleanclothes)  

  Pro-democracy Buddhist monk, Shwe Nya Wah Sayadaw 

  Buddhist monk Shwe Nya War Sayadaw was arrested on 1 February 2021, following the coup. He was detained by the military at his monastery in Yangon. He is an outspoken monk and has been critical of the 969 movement, which is backed by nationalist Buddhist monks.

  In 2012, he was ordered to leave his monastery in Yangon because of a speech he gave at a pro-democracy event at the Mandalay office of the National League for Democracy, where he had publicly called for the release of political prisoners and the end of ongoing civil wars.

   (Photo Credit: Kaung Htet/ The Myanmar Times)

  Student activist Ko Min Thway Thit 

  Student activist Ko Min Thway Thit was arrested on 1 February 2021, following the coup. On 30 December 2021 he was sentenced to one year imprisonment for driving an unregistered vehicle without a license under Section 95 of the Vehicle Safety and Motor Vehicle Management Law.

  He was previously imprisoned in 2015 for his role in the protests against the new education bill and released in 2016. He was also among four fined 30,000 kyats for organising a protest without permission on 7 July 2019 to commemorate Ne Win’s 1962 massacre of student activists.

  (Photo Credit: Burma News International) 

  88 Generation activist, Mya Aye 

  Prominent democracy activist and one of the leaders of the 88 Generation was arrested on 1 February 2021, following the coup. Mya Aye was arrested twice under the former junta for his political activism during and after the 1988 uprising and served a total of 12 years in prison.

  He faces hate speech charges under Article 505(c) of the Penal Code for incitement, which carries up to two years in prison.

  (Photo Credit: The Myanmar Times) 

   

• Myanmar: As the atrocities mount, so must the momentum towards ensuring accountability

  Statement at the 50th Session of the UN Human Rights Council

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  Interactive Dialogue with the UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar

  June 2022

  Delivered by Kyaw Win, Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN)

  Thank you, Mr. President and Special Rapporteur.

  Since the attempted coup on 1 February 2021 by the Myanmar military junta, the criminalisation of activists and journalists on trumped up charges of incitement, sedition and terrorism by secret military tribunals has persisted. Human rights groups have documented the increasing use of torture or cruel, inhumane and degrading punishment of political prisoners in detention.

  Rohingya and Muslim minorities have also been subjected to tightened restrictions on their fundamental freedoms and are increasingly at risk of being subjected to further atrocity crimes. The junta and its supporters continue to use divisive and hateful rhetoric aimed at marginalising and inciting violence against the Rohingya and Muslim minorities.

  The junta continues to deny the Rohingya the ability to live free and dignified lives by further restricting their freedom of movement. Every year, the junta has arrested and detained nearly a thousand Rohingya people, including women and children, for fleeing oppression in Arakan state. A safe and dignified return for Rohingya refugees will not be possible while these conditions are in place.

  Despite previous findings by the Independent Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar showing widespread and systematic human rights violations, some amounting to crimes against humanity and genocide, impunity remains nearly absolute. As long as this remains so, unyielding repression of activists and oppression of minority communities will continue unabated.

  We call on the UN and its member states to take all possible measures to hold General Min Aung Hlaing, other senior military leaders and members of SAC accountable for their crimes and to cut off the junta from all revenue and weapons streams which allow it to continue its genocidal operations.

  We ask the Special Rapporteur what immediate actions he suggests for States to protect those on the ground and further accountability.

  We thank you.

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  Civic space in Myanmr is rated as "Repressed" by the CIVICUS Monitor. 

• MYANMAR: ASEAN must move beyond consensus in facilitating cross-border humanitarian aid

  In the lead up to the high-level meeting on ASEAN humanitarian assistance to Myanmar, civil society organisations voiced their grave concerns in a webinar titled ‘Beyond ASEAN’s Five Point Consensus: Humanitarian Assistance in Myanmar’ held last Thursday, 5 May.

• Myanmar: Attacks on civic space continue unabated in the second year of the illegal coup

  Two years ago, on 1 February 2021, the Myanmar military junta seized power in an illegal coup. The junta arrested the civilian leaders of the national and state governments and unleashed a deadly crackdown against a mass ‘civil disobedience movement’ opposing the coup.

  Serious human rights violations documented in the first year of the coup have persisted. They include the arbitrary arrest and prosecution of human rights defenders and activists, the ongoing use of torture and ill-treatment as well as death sentences and executions. Civil society has been virtually wiped out, politicians jailed, while journalists continue to be targeted. The junta has also increased its crackdown on online dissent and all forms of protests with protesters facing long jail sentences.

  The junta has carried out indiscriminate ground and air attacks that have resulted in numerous civilian deaths. Fighting since the coup has displaced over one million people internally, with another 70,000 refugees fleeing into neighbouring countries. In Rakhine State, new restrictions on movement and aid have affected ethnic Rohingya camps and villages.

  The five-point consensus agreement decided by ASEAN leaders in Jakarta in April 2021 has seen no tangible progress. The UN has continued to document and raise concerns – including of crimes against humanity and war crimes – and several  countries have imposed sanctions, but this has yet to have a major impact on halting the violations committed by the junta.

  The junta leader Min Aung Hlaing has announcedplans to lift the state of emergency and to conduct elections in August 2023. The plan has been heavily criticised by the international community. Human rights groups have highlighted how the junta’s illegal election will not resolve the worsening crisis, but ‘add more violence and suffering to an already devastating situation’. Concerns have also been raised that the elections  are aimed at legitimising the junta’s rule and will further undermine the implementation of the five point consensus.

  The following are some of the civil and political rights violations the CIVICUS Monitor has documented in Myanmar - which is rated as ‘repressed’  - in the second year of the coup:

  Human rights defenders and activists jailed on fabricated charges 

  Over the last year, civil society has documented the ongoing criminalisation of human rights defenders, lawyers, students, artists, medical workers and other activists by secret military tribunals including in the country’s most notorious Insein Prison. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) (AAPP), as of 30 December 2022, a total of 13,217 individuals were currently under detention. Many were arrested on fabricated charges and convicted in unfair trials - including for terrorism, incitement and sedition - and given harsh sentences including the death penalty. The courts appear to take orders from top divisional military commanders, reducing the chances of successfully appealing a decision.  Myanmar’s Supreme Court, though the highest civilian court in the country, cannot intervene in cases tried by military tribunals under the Defence Services Act of 1959.

  Man Zar Myay Mon, a land and environmental rights defender, was sentenced to two years in prison in March 2022. He became a leading figure of peaceful anti-coup protests and in March 2021 was charged with “incitement” under Article 505(a) of the Penal Code. In August 2022, Ko Wai Moe Naing, a prominent anti-junta protest leader in Monywa, Sagaing Region was found guilty of committing multiple counts of ‘incitement’ under section 505(A) of the Penal Code, which has been routinely used by the military junta to target critics of the regime. Following the conviction, he was sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment.

  Thae Su Naing, a member of Myanmar’s Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), was sentenced under Section 52 (A) of the Counter-Terrorism Law to seven years in prison by Meiktila Court in Mandalay region on 30 August 2022. The 24-year-old teacher was a former chairwoman of the Meiktila University Students’ Union and taught in the local township. On 14 December 2022, prominent Myanmar LGBTQI+ activist Sue Sha Shinn Thant was sentenced to 22 years in prison by a junta court in Mandalay for allegedly violating Section 505 (b) of Myanmar’s Penal code for inciting sedition against the State, and Section 50 (j) of the Counter Terrorism Law. 

  While there have been some releases of political prisoners, human rights groups have noted that this was a tactic by the junta to ease the international pressure, and some were re-arrested after they were released.

  Lawyers arrested, interrogated and beaten

  There have been continued reports of the arrest and detention of lawyers in recent months. According to reports as of July 2022, the junta has arrested at least 42 lawyers since the illegal coup. On 29 June 2022, lawyer U Tin Win Aung, who had defended prominent Monywa protest leader Ko Wai Moe Naing, was arrested at Obo Prison along with lawyers U Thuta and Daw Thae Su Naing, who were defending other clients. The lawyers had been attending trials in a special court in the prison. Tin Win Aung suffered multiple injuries in the interrogation that followed his arrest, including a broken arm. Fellow lawyers U Thuta and Thae Su Naing were also beaten during interrogation.

  Torture or other ill-treatment of detainees

  There has been ongoing reports of torture and ill-treatment of activists in detention. A report published by the AAPP in March 2022 highlights systematic violations faced by prisoners in detention including torture and cruel, inhumane and degrading punishment. The report found that around a hundred pro-democracy activists had been tortured to death in interrogation centres, most within 48 hours of arrest. Violence against detained political prisoners begins from the moment they are arrested, and all genders are also being subjected to sexual abuse. Political prisoners also experience mental torture, most commonly isolation from the outside world. Those involved in prison strikes have been beaten and tortured, had to do forced labour and denied access to adequate medical treatment.

  In August 2022, Amnesty International published a briefing showing how prison officials kicked and slapped detainees, and also beat them with rifle butts, electrical wires and branches of a palm tree. Detainees also allege they were psychologically tortured with death and rape threats to force confessions or extract information about anti-coup activities. Interrogators also committed sexual and gender-based crimes. In October 2022, RFA Burmese reported that at least 145 people have died while being interrogated by authorities.

  Activists sentenced to death and executed 

  As noted above, the junta has handed down death sentences against activists. According to the UN as of December 2022, 139 individuals have been sentenced to capital punishment since 1 February 2021

  On 23 July 2022 the junta executed four men in the country’s first death sentences carried out in over 30 years. The men put to death were Phyo Zeya Thaw, a rapper and former lawmaker from the National League for Democracy (NLD) party, and Kyaw Min Yu, known as “Ko Jimmy,” a prominent democracy activist (pictured above). He was one of the leaders of the 88 Generation Students Group, veterans of the 1988 popular uprising against military rule. The other two were Hla Myo Aung and Aung Thura Zaw. All those executed were convicted after closed trials that violated international standards.

  In November 2022, the junta handed death sentences to ten people, including seven university students all members of the Dagon University Students’ Union, for allegedly being involved in a shooting that killed a former military officer. The seven had taken part in anti-regime protests and participated in the resistance against the junta’s rule. Their executions were scheduled for 7 December 2022 but postponed indefinitely by the junta due to international pressure.

  Attack on civil society organisations

  In the first year following the illegal coup, most civil society organisations were forced to reduce or suspend their operations or close their offices. Important documents and files had to be moved to safer places in different locations, and civil society leaders fearing their lives had to go into hiding or leave the country.

  Over the last year, the situation has continued to worsen. In August 2022, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) published a report stating that the military takeover has ‘taken a severe toll on civil society organisations and trade unions’ and how the “targeted persecution” of these groups, including arbitrary arrests, detentions, acts of violence, raids on homes and offices, seizure of equipment, threatening phone calls, interrogations and surveillance, have substantially limited their ability to operate. The UN agency said the risks extended to both organisations that had been banned since the coup and those not officially included on the blacklist, with authorities often arresting leaders under the pretext of “causing fear, spreading false news or agitating”.

  In October 2022, the junta enacted the Organization Registration Law that makes registration compulsory for both national and international NGOs. Under the new law, which repealed the 2014 Association Registration Law, organisations that fail to comply will face punishments including jail terms of up to five years. The New rules have raised alarm among the UN and aid workers as it will impact humanitarian assistance to millions of displaced people. The International Commission on Jurists (ICJ) has stated that the law will further shackle the functioning of civil society in the country and isnon-compliant with international human rights law and standards

  Jailing of politicians

  Politicians and lawmakers from the National League for Democracy (NLD) have been criminalised since the coup with many sentenced to long prison terms. The country’s ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi was sentenced for multiple charges through the year, in a series of closed trials, with no access for media or the public, and a gag order on her lawyers from revealing information about the proceedings. In April 2022 she was found guilty of corruption and sentenced to five years in jail. In August, she was sentenced to another six years on corruption charges while in September she was again found guilty of electoral fraud and sentenced to three years in jail with hard labour.  In October, she was convicted  on two more corruption charges, with two three-year sentences to be served concurrently, adding to previous convictions while in  December, a military court sentenced Suu Kyi  for corruption to a further seven years in prison, taking her overall jail time to 33 years.

  Imprisonment and killing of journalists

  The junta has systematically targeted journalists since the coup. Many have been charged for violating section 505(a) of the penal code, which makes it a crime to publish or circulate comments that “cause fear” or spread “false news.” In December 2022, The Committee to Protect Journalists said that the junta “has doubled down on its repression of journalists” and that in its second year in power the junta handed down harsh prison sentences in a bid to silence and eliminate the country’s few remaining independent media outlets. CPJ found that at least 42 journalists were imprisoned in Myanmar for their reporting as of 1 December 2022, a repressive 40 percent rise on the number recorded by CPJ on the same date in 2021. At least 4 have been killed.

  Crackdown on online dissent

  Activists have also been targeted for posts on social media critical of the junta. According to a report from January to the end of November 2022, 817 people were arrested or prosecuted for posting in support of the National Unity Government (NUG), the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (CRPH) and People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) on social media platforms.

  Protesters arrested and criminalised

  Protests have persisted across the country despite the threat of arrest, torture and deadly attacks against protesters. Between 13 and 15 June 2022, at least 40 people who took part in anti-coup flash mob protests in Yangon were arrested. Some were arrested while military troops were checking overnight guest registrations in some townships. In July 2022, The junta arrested eight protesters in Kachin’s Hpakant Township. They were returning home after attending a public protest. On 2nd August 2022, multiple arrests were made in Yangon following calls for a public show of support for Myanmar’s resistance movement in the wake of the execution of four activists.

  Many protesters have been given long sentences. A student leader who took part in anti-junta protests in Magway region was sentenced to 15 years in prison by a court in Kayin State on 1 December 2022 under Section 49(a) of the Counter-Terrorism law. Kaung Set Naing was the student leader of Magway city’s Medical University when the junta seized power. On 20 December 2022, Lu Phan Kar, a published poet,  who led anti-regime protests in Ayeyarwady region’s Pathein city, was sentenced to two years in prison for ‘incitement’ against the military. Lu Phan Kar is who began leading anti-junta demonstrations in Ayeyarwady region following the coup. He was previously sentenced for sedition and treason.

  The ineffective regional and international response

  Human rights groups have continued to criticise Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) for its ineffectiveness in seriously addressing the human rights violations in Myanmar.

  In August 2022, following the execution of four activists (see above), the human rights groups urged ASEAN to step up pressure on the military junta including imposing targeted sanctions and travel bans on junta leader Min Aung Hlaing and other officials and publicly engage and recognise the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG). However, there has been a lack of action.

  A special ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting at the ASEAN Secretariat on 27 October 2022 decided to persist with the failed peace plan. The ministers emphasised the need to ensure the time-bound implementation of a five-point consensus agreed to with the Burmese junta in April 2021.

  In a rare move, in November 2022, Southeast Asian heads of governments issued a warning to Myanmar to make measurable progress on the peace plan or risk being barred from the bloc's meetings. The leaders concluded a need for "concrete, practical and measurable indicators with a specific timeline." To stave off pressure from ASEAN, Myanmar has organised prisoner releases.

  At the UN Level, in March 2022, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights said in a new report in to the UN Human Rights Council that the international community ‘must take concerted, immediate measures to stem the spiral of violence in Myanmar, where the military has engaged in systematic and widespread human rights violations and abuses – some of which may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity’. The High Commissioner also supported the referral of the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court. In March 2022, The Human Rights Council adopted by consensus a resolution to extend the mandate of the Special Rapporteur for a further year and maintain monitoring and reporting by the High Commissioner, with a focus on accountability.

  In June 2022, Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar released a report which found that the military junta has brutally attacked and killed children and systematically abused their human rights. The Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, said in August 2022 that crimes against humanity continue to be systematically committed in Myanmar, with ongoing conflicts severely impacting women and children

  In December 2022, the UN General Assembly’s credentials committee deferred action on the military’s request to take over the country’s seat at the UN. While the United Nations Security Council adopted a resolution on 21st December 2022, denouncing the Myanmar military’s rights violations since the coup. The landmark resolution was passed with 12 yes votes and 3 abstentions. The Special Rapporteur on Myanmar, however, affirmed that ‘’expressing deep concern’ and demanding that certain actions be taken without any use of the Security Council’s Chapter VII authority, will not stop the illegal Myanmar junta from attacking and destroying the lives of the 54 million people being held hostage in Myanmar.

  Some countries have continued to increase sanctions on the junta over the year. In February 2022, the European Union adopted a fourth round of sanctions. The new listings target 22 persons and 4 entities, including government ministers, a member of junta and members of the Union Election Commission, as well as high-ranking members of the military. The restrictive measures come in addition to the withholding of EU financial assistance directly going to the government and the freezing of all EU assistance that may be seen as legitimising the junta.

  In November 2022, the British government announced sanctions on the Office of the Chief of Military and Security Affairs; The 33rd Light Infantry Division (33 LID) of the Myanmar Army and the 99 Light Infantry Division (99 LID) of the Myanmar Army because of its responsibility for the use of torture, including sexual violence, against human rights and democracy activists who are illegally detained in Myanmar. In December 2022, Canada imposed sanctions on Myanmar military jet fuel suppliers, designating Asia Sun Group, a Myanmar conglomerate. Asia Sun Group is a local partner of the Myanmar military and is involved in procuring, storing and distributing jet fuel. On 20 December, both houses of the United States (US) legislature passed the Burma Act to provide non-military aid to the parallel National Unity Government (NUG) and its affiliate organisations, including the National Unity Consultative Council, the People’s Defense Forces (PDF) and ethnic armed organisations (EAO). The Burma Act also authorises measures to prevent the military regime from acquiring weapons and expands sanctions against junta businesses.

  Recommendations to ASEAN and the international community:

  • Call upon the junta to release all individuals arbitrarily detained, human rights defenders, journalists, protesters, politicians and civil society members and refrain from using violence, halt arbitrary arrests against protesters and call for the total lifting of the broad ban on gatherings, which violates the rights to peaceful assembly under international law;
  • Call on the junta to immediately end and prevent further crimes under international law and other human rights violations, including all forms of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment;     
  • Denounce and reject the proposed elections by the junta, which only further legitimise the crimes the military has committed and will prolong the suffering of the people of Myanmar under the junta;
  • Raise concerns publicly in multilateral fora including the upcoming Human Rights Council, and renew the Human Rights Council resolution on the situation of human rights in Myanmar to maintain the crucial UN Special Rapporteur mandate;
  • Refrain from any attempt to further legitimise the junta and instead engage with the National Unity Government (NUG) as the legitimate government of Myanmar, including in multilateral fora such as the UN Human Rights Council and General Assembly;
  • Urge the Security Council to immediately impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar, refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court and impose targeted financial sanctions against senior officials suspected of responsibility for crimes under international law and serious violations;
  • Exercise universal and other forms of jurisdiction to investigate any person who may reasonably be suspected of committing crimes against humanity, war crimes or other crimes under international law;
  • Immediately suspend the direct and indirect supply, sale, and transfer, including transit, and brokering of aviation fuel to the junta and impose targeted sanctions against individuals and entities involved in the aviation fuel supply chain;
  • Take proactive steps in providing humanitarian assistance, particularly in ethnic and ceasefire areas;
  • Provide material and diplomatic support to civil society, journalists and activists at risk and support multilateral initiatives which ensure international scrutiny on Myanmar and further accountability and justice for crimes under international law.

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   Civic space in Myanmar is rated as "Repressed" by the CIVICUS Monitor

• Myanmar: civic space is under assault - meaningful and robust resolution needed

  Statement at the 52nd Session of the Human Rights Council

  Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar

  Delivered by Kyaw Win

  Thank you, Mr. President.

  CIVICUS and the Burma Human Rights Network thanks the Special Rapporteur for his update.

  We remain deeply concerned about the state of civic space in Myanmar, two years on from the unconstitutional coup. Human rights defenders and activists have continued to be prosecuted by the junta on fabricated charges and convicted in sham trials by secret military tribunals and given harsh sentences including the death penalty. As noted by the Special Rapporteur more than 16,000 political prisoners are now behind bars and some have been tortured or ill-treated in detention. The Special Rapporteur has also highlighted the ongoing attacks on civilians and the draconian new Organization Registration law that will further shackle what is remaining of civil society. The CIVICUS Monitor, this month downgraded Myanmar’s civic space rating from ‘repressed’ to ‘closed’.

  We welcome the landmark UN Security Council resolution adopted in December 2022, denouncing the violations by the junta but was disappointed it did not impose an arms embargo or refer the case to the International Criminal Court. At the same time, ASEAN’s five-point consensus has remained ineffective in addressing the human rights violations in Myanmar and its time the regional body moves beyond it. Further, as noted by the Special Rapporteur there are serious concerns about that international community’s treatment of Rohingyas and others fleeing Myanmar and many face the risk of detention, deportation and pushbacks at land and sea.

  We call on the Council to support a meaningful and robust resolution which reflects these serious concerns and renews the critical mandate of the Special Rapporteur. Special Rapporteur, what the international community should do to halt the assault on civic space and serious human rights violations committed by the junta and to support those fleeing to neighbouring countries.

  Thank you.

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   Civi space in Myanmar is rated as "Closed" by the CIVICUS Monitor 

• Myanmar: Civic space regresses further after three years of sustained junta repression

  

  A model of Insein prison, where thousands of political prisoners have been detained, is seen at the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) office in Mae Sot, Thailand. REUTERS/Soe Zeya Tun

  Three years on from the Feb 2021 coup, the assault on civic space by the junta has persisted. In 2023, the CIVICUS Monitor documented the ongoing criminalization of activists and protesters, the silencing of journalists and increasing control of the media, the targeting of lawyers and torture and ill-treatment of political prisoners. Our organisation has also documented digital repression by the junta, the blocking of humanitarian workers and continued violations against the Rohingya.  As a result of this, Myanmar’s civic space rating was downgraded from ‘repressed’ to ‘closed’ by the CIVICUS Monitor in March 2023.

  Criminalisation of activists

  Over the year, the CIVICUS Monitor continued to document the criminalization of activists for terrorism, incitement and high treason.

  In February 2023, a military court sentenced Ko Hein Htet aka Ko Po Po, a student activist of the North Okkalapa students’ union, to life in prison for ‘incitement’ and terrorism.   In the same month former student leader and democracy activist Ko Lin Htet Naing, aka Ko James was given an additional five years in prison for terrorism. On 22 March, a court inside Insein Prison sentenced Ko Kaung Sett Paing, a member of Yangon’s North Okkalapa students’ union, to life imprisonment for ‘incitement’. He was then sentenced to death on 25 April for terrorism.

  In April 2023, the junta sentenced jailed protest leader Ko Wai Moe Naing (pictured above) to an additional 20 years in prison on trumped up charges of robbery, rioting and carrying a deadly weapon in a crowd. On 19 May 2023, he was sentenced to another 20 years’ imprisonment for committing high treason.

  In April 2023, Kachin Baptist leader Reverend Hkalam Samson was sentenced to six years in prison on charges of terrorism, unlawful association and inciting opposition to the military regime. In May 2023, a court in Insein Prison sentenced student activist Banyar Soe Htet to an additional 10 years in prison for funding terrorism , meaning he is set to serve a total of 84 years.

  In June 2023, the junta sentenced a male LGBTQI+ activist to 10 years in prison for terrorism. Justin Min Hein was the president of the LGBTQ Union in the country’s central Mandalay region,   and was a leader of several anti-junta activities. In July 2023, the Eastern Yangon District Court sentenced a student activist, Nyan Win Htet to a further five years in prison for alleged terrorism.

  In October 2023, the Monywa Prison Court sentenced human rights defender Man Zar Myay Mon to 11 years in prison, on three counts under the Counter-Terrorism Law. He is an environmental and land rights defender, a leading figure of peaceful anti-coup protests in Chaung-U Township, Sagaing Region, following the military coup.

  Arrest and jailing of protesters

  Protesters continued to mobilise over the year despite the restrictive environment. Some faced arrests and prosecution for their activism.

  In March 2023, a junta court sentenced 13 youth activists to three years of hard labour in prison each for “incitement” after they organised a flash protest in September 2022 against military rule that authorities broke up by ploughing into them with vehicles.

  According to Burma Coup Watch, the junta arrested at least 165 people throughout the country for allegedly joining the “Flower Strike” to celebrate State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi’s 78th birthday on 19 June 2023. Among those arrested  are  women who were wearing flowers.

  On 8 August 2023, civilians across Myanmar commemorated the 35th anniversary of the pro-democracy uprising as they held protests against the ruling military junta. Protesters gathered in Yangon, Sagaing, Mandalay and Tanintharyi regions holding red umbrellas, putting up posters with anti-regime slogans, and burning mock-ups of the newly issued 20,000-kyat note to mark the anniversary of “8888.” Three protesters were arrested in Sagaing Region’s Monywa Township when the junta opened fire on six young activists commemorating the anniversary.

  Silencing of journalists and increasing control of the media

  Journalists and media outlets have continued to be targeted by the junta. Kyaw Min Swe (picture above), the editor-in-chief of The Voice Weekly magazine was charged in April 2023 with ‘incitement’. In June 2023, the junta revoked the Ayeyarwaddy Times’ media license for allegedly breaching Article 8 of the Publishing Act, which bans disseminating information that “disrupts public peace and tranquility”.

  In June 2023, the Western Yangon District Court sentenced Thaung Win, The Irrawaddy’s publisher, to five years in prison under Article 124-A of the penal code, which covers penalties for the crime of sedition. In September 2023, a military tribunal sentenced photojournalist Sai Zaw Thaike of independent news outlet Myanmar Now to 20 years in prison with hard labour over his coverage of the aftermath of a deadly cyclone after convicting him on various charges, including sedition. Sai Zaw Thaike was provided with no legal representation throughout his detention. There were no court hearings or other proceedings held inside the Insein Prison compound before his conviction.

  On 30 October 2023, soldiers arrested Development Media Group reporter Htet Aung while he was taking photos of soldiers making donations to Buddhist monks during a religious festival in the Rakhine State capital, Sittwe. On 11 December 2023, Aung San Oo and Myo Myint Oo, two Myanmar journalists from the news agency Dawei Watch, were arrested at their home in the middle of the night by several police and military officers in the southern town of Mergui. 

  In November 2023, the junta took control of the authority in charge of overseeing television and radio media. It also amended the law without discussion to take control of the Broadcasting Council, the authority in charge of overseeing television and radio media.

  Lawyers targeted

  In June 2023, Human Rights Watch published a report  highlighting a  pattern of harassment, surveillance, arrests, and in some cases torture, of lawyers since the coup, particularly those taking on political cases.

  At least 32 lawyers have been arrested and placed in pre-trial detention with little evidence supporting the charges against them. Many have been charged with incitement and terrorism in summary trials that do not meet international fair trial standards.

  Lawyers also reported ill treatment or torture of detained colleagues. Inside special courts, lawyers and their clients face numerous problems, including being forbidden to privately communicate or discuss their cases prior to hearings. Lawyers said that junta officials frequently obstructed or prevented them from carrying out their professional duties, denying suspects their rights to due process and a fair trial.

  Torture and ill-treatment of political prisoners

  Political prisoners continued to face harsh treatment in prisons. A report by AAPPB published in July 2023 highlighted that from the moment of their arrest they are subjected to interrogation which amounts to torture and inhumane treatment. It also found that even after their release, political prisoners are often left traumatised.

  In August 2023, Radio Free Asia (RFA) reported that prison guards at  Thayarwady prison beat 31 political prisoners for marking the country’s Martyrs’ Day, with four having to be treated for their injuries in the prison hospital. In the same month at least 20 political prisoners in Mandalay Region’s Myingyan Prison were tortured while in solitary confinement. The prison authorities also used tasers to inflict further injuries on the prisoners.

  In September 2023, Myanmar Now reported that authorities had been abusing political prisoners after moving them to Mandalay’s Obo Prison from facilities elsewhere in Myanmar. After they were transferred from Monywa Prison, located 80 miles west of Mandalay, 90 male and 11 female inmates were beaten and tortured. Prison authorities allegedly kicked inmates in the face while wearing army boots, shocked them with tasers and beat them with batons. At least 50 were left with lasting injuries.

  Digital repression by the junta

  Activists have also been targeted online for their activism. In March 2023, UN experts said that the military junta was orchestrating an online campaign of terror, and weaponising social media platforms to harass and incite violence against activists. Women have been targeted and severely harmed. They noted that women are often targets of so-called “doxxing”, the act of publishing private information, including names and addresses, about individuals without their consent. These attacks are frequently accompanied by calls for violence or arrest by junta forces. “Doxxed” women have also been accused of having sexual relations with Muslim men or supporting the Muslim population – a common ultranationalist, discriminatory and Islamophobic narrative in Myanmar.

  Some activists have also been criminalised for their online expression. In June 2023, the junta arrested and prosecuted 50 people for allegedly posting anti-regime content on social media platforms. According to junta announcements, people had been prosecuted under antiterrorism laws for comments they made on Facebook, Telegram and TikTok.

  Freedom House, in October 2023 said that the Myanmar junta “continued to repress internet freedom in the face of ongoing civil disobedience, political opposition, and armed resistance during the coverage period.” The groups said that “localized internet shutdowns, data price hikes, online trolling, and arbitrary prosecutions that result in long prison terms have created a high-risk and hostile online space for the public at large.

  Blocking of humanitarian workers

  The junta obstructed humanitarian aid in May 2023 following Cyclone Mocha, putting thousands of lives at risk. According to HRW, junta authorities refused to authorise travel and visas for aid workers, release urgent supplies from customs and warehouses, or relax onerous and unnecessary restrictions on lifesaving assistance.

  HRW interviewed aid workers and people in affected communities who described how the junta’s failed relief response has been deliberate. Many aid workers, local activists and villagers expressed the view that the junta used the cyclone response to legitimise and bolster its control.

  On 8th June 2023, after weeks of appeals by humanitarian organisations for unrestricted access, the junta formalised its obstruction by issuing a blanket suspension of travel authorisations for aid groups in Rakhine State, reversing initial approvals granted in early June.

  Rohingyas at risk

  Human rights groups  said that the junta is continuing to ignore the International Court of Justice’s (ICJ) orders to protect the Rohingya as “state policies are pushing hundreds of thousands of people to the brink of bare survival in Rakhine State”. Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK) said in a new report published in November 2023 that Rohingya people 'live increasingly desperate lives amid widespread restrictions on humanitarian aid by the junta as well as their freedom of movement, access to healthcare and livelihoods. At the same time, the junta and armed groups have tortured, killed and arbitrarily detained Rohingya people'.

  Actions from the international community

  ASEAN has continued to fail to address the human rights violations in Myanmar. The five-point consensus agreement decided by Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) leaders in Jakarta in April 2021 has seen no tangible progress in addressing the crisis and violations by the junta. In May 2023, civil society organisations, launched a position paper to call for a review and reframing of the five-Point Consensus and the bloc’s current approach.  In September 2023, ASEAN established a troika mechanism that would allow the immediate past, current and incoming ASEAN chairs to manage the crisis.

  The UN on the other hand has done more to document violations and seek to hold the junta accountable. In March 2023, a report published by the UN Human Rights Office found that the junta has created a perpetual human rights crisis through the continuous use of violence, including the killing, arbitrary arrest, torture and enforced disappearance of anti-coup opponents. In April 2023, a resolution was adopted by the UN Human Rights Council by consensus that unequivocally condemned the junta’s continuing violence against civilians and the democratic resistance. However, the resolution failed to explicitly call for a comprehensive arms embargo;

  In July 2023, Volker Türk, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, said Myanmar was in deadly freefall into even deeper violence. He highlighted how the voices of civil society and journalists are being strangled and that arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances and torture continue unabated. In September 2023, Nicholas Koumjian, head of the investigation team of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) said "the frequency and intensity of war crimes and crimes against humanity has only increased in recent months.” In October 2023, Tom Andrews, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, highlighted in his report to the UN General Assembly the junta’s attacks against civilians, including reports of mass killings, beheadings, torture, sexual and gender-based violence, forced labour, and the use of human shields by junta forces. In December 2023, the UN Special Rapporteur urged UN Member States to “save lives endangered by an intensifying military conflict in Myanmar by taking immediate measures to stop the flow of weapons that the military junta is using to commit probable war crimes and crimes against humanity.”.

  A number of countries have also imposed sanctions. In February 2023, the European Union issued sanctions targeting the military and associates facilitating their crimes. In March 2023, The United States Treasury Department announced additional sanctions on Myanmar to prevent supplies of jet fuel from reaching the military in response to airstrikes on populated areas and other atrocities.

  In June 2023, the US imposed sanctions on Myanmar’s defence ministry and two banks while in July 2023, the EU imposed a seventh round of restrictive measures against six individuals and one entity In August, the United States allowed for sanctions to be imposed on any foreign individual or entity determined to be operating in the jet fuel sector of Myanmar’s economy.

  In October 2023, the US imposed a ban on financial transactions involving the Myanmar state-owned oil company, the Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE). The US also announced additional sanctions on five individuals and three entities involved in the junta’s abuses, in coordination with Canada and the United Kingdom. In November 2023, the EU approved additional restrictive measures against four persons and two companies generating income for the military regime and providing arms and other equipment used by the armed forces.

  Recommendations to ASEAN and the international community:

  • Call upon the junta to release all individuals arbitrarily detained, human rights defenders, journalists, protesters, politicians and civil society members and refrain from using violence, halt arbitrary arrests against protesters which violates the rights to peaceful assembly under international law;
  • Call on the junta to immediately end and prevent further crimes under international law and other human rights violations, including all forms of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment;     
  • Raise concerns publicly in multilateral fora including the upcoming Human Rights Council, and renew the Human Rights Council resolution on the situation of human rights in Myanmar to maintain the crucial UN Special Rapporteur mandate;
  • Refrain from any attempt to further legitimise the junta and instead engage with the National Unity Government (NUG) as the legitimate government of Myanmar, including in multilateral fora such as the UN Human Rights Council and General Assembly;
  • Urge the Security Council to immediately impose a comprehensive arms embargo on Myanmar, refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court and impose targeted financial sanctions against senior officials suspected of responsibility for crimes under international law and serious violations;
  • Exercise universal and other forms of jurisdiction to investigate any person who may reasonably be suspected of committing crimes against humanity, war crimes or other crimes under international law;
  • Immediately suspend the direct and indirect supply, sale, and transfer, including transit, and brokering of arms and aviation fuel to the junta and impose targeted sanctions against individuals and entities involved in the arms and aviation fuel supply chain;
  • Take proactive steps in providing humanitarian assistance, particularly in ethnic and ceasefire areas and condemn blockades by the junta;
  • Provide material and diplomatic support to civil society, journalists and activists at risk and support multilateral initiatives which ensure international scrutiny on Myanmar and further accountability and justice for crimes under international law.

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    Civic space in Myanmar is rated as "Closed" by the CIVICUS Monitor

• Myanmar: civil society groups raise concern over ASEAN’s approach to the ongoing human rights crisis

  To: ASEAN Leaders

  H.E. Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu’izzaddin Waddaulah, Prime Minister of Brunei Darussalam
  H.E. Hun Sen, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia
  H.E. Joko Widodo, President of the Republic of Indonesia
  H.E. Thongloun Sisoulith, Prime Minister of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic
  H.E. Dato’ Sri Ismail Sabri bin Yaakob, Prime Minister of Malaysia
  H.E. Ferdinand Romualdez Marcos, Jr., President of the Republic of the Philippines
  H.E. Lee Hsien Loong, Prime Minister of the Republic of Singapore
  H.E. Prayut Chan-o-cha, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Thailand
  H.E. Phạm Minh Chính, Prime Minister of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam

  Subject: Open letter from civil society organizations concerning ASEAN’s approach to the ongoing political, human rights and humanitarian crisis in Myanmar

  Your Excellencies,

  We, the 457 undersigned Myanmar, regional and international civil society organizations, call on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (‘ASEAN’) to cease inviting all political and non-political representatives of the Myanmar military junta to all summits and meetings, and revise the mandate of the Special Envoy to Myanmar. We further call on ASEAN under the Indonesian Chairship, as a regional bloc and as individual states, to move beyond the failed Five-Point Consensus (‘5PC’), enable effective humanitarian assistance, and publicly recognize the National Unity Government. 

  For the past 20 months since the failed coup, ASEAN has been largely ineffective in responding to the escalating crisis in Myanmar. ASEAN’s “dialogue” demonstrates a selective approach to the 5PC and yields no results to stop the ongoing crisis in Myanmar. Despite being put on notice for non-compliance with the 5PC in a joint communique in August 2022, the junta has continued committing atrocity crimes against the Myanmar people. Just one month after the warning, the junta’s airstrikes on a school in Sagaing Region killed 11 children.

  The exclusion of the junta from ASEAN Summits in October 2021 and November 2022 was a step in the right direction. We also note positive stances taken by Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines and Singapore, and welcome the bloc’s statement in July 2022. Nevertheless, any engagement with the junta is in breach of the ASEAN Charter. The crimes that are being committed by the Myanmar military amount to acts of a terrorist organization under international legal definitions and Myanmar’s domestic laws. The Myanmar military stands accused of atrocity crimes at the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court, and under a universal jurisdiction case in Argentina. We are alarmed that this illegal entity holds sway in ASEAN’s actions. 

  READ THE FULL LETTER

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  Civic space in Myanmar is rated as "Repressed" by the CIVICUS Monitor

   
• Myanmar: Continued crackdown on civil society undermines efforts to address COVID-19

  Statement at the 44th Session of the UN Human Rights Council

  Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on Myanmar

  ---

  CIVICUS welcomes the Special Rapporteur’s update, and looks forward to our future engagement.

  This is a critical time in Myanmar, where a crackdown on expression, peaceful assembly and access to information is a barrier to accountability and undermines the country’s efforts to address the COVID-19 pandemic. Individuals have criminalised for speaking out, reporting or protesting again human rights violations.

  Members of the Peacock Generation, a slam poetry troupe, who were convicted under the Telecommunications Act and Section 505(a) of the Penal Code remain in prison for their satirical criticism of the government. The Peaceful Assembly and Procession Law has been used against those protesting the internet blackout in Rakhine and Chin states. These laws, and countless others, make up the repressive legal framework used against independent journalists and human rights defenders who speak out on crimes perpetrated by the government.

  The report of the IIMM presented during the 42nd Session of this council said that Myanmar’s future depends on the clear demonstration that its international crimes will not be tolerated. It also depends on those in Myanmar who speak out on violations and advocate for positive change being listened to, rather than persecuted. We call on the Myanmar government to do so, and on the international community to stand by these activists.

  We ask the Special Rapporteur: what are your priorities for your time in this mandate, and how do you see the role of an open civic space in achieving accountability? Finally, how can civil society support you in your work?

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  Civic space in Kuwait is currently rated as Repressed by the CIVICUS Monitor

  Current council members:

  Afghanistan, Angola, Argentina, Armenia, Australia, Austria, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chile, Czech Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Denmark, Eritrea, Fiji, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Libya, Marshall Islands, Mauritania, Mexico, Namibia, Nepal, Netherlands, Nigeria, Poland, Pakistan, Peru, Philippines, Qatar, Republic of Korea, Senegal, Slovakia, Somalia, Sudan, Spain, Togo, Ukraine, Uruguay, Venezuela

  Civic space ratings from the CIVICUS Monitor

  OPEN	NARROWED	OBSTRUCTED	REPRESSED	CLOSED

   

• Myanmar: des activistes emprisonnés

  

  À la suite du coup d'État militaire de février 2021, des milliers de personnes ont été arbitrairement arrêtées, détenues et attaquées au Myanmar, notamment des défenseurs des droits humains, des syndicalistes, des journalistes, des militants politiques et étudiants, des poètes, des écrivains et des religieux. 

  Comme le montre le CIVICUS Monitor, beaucoup font l'objet d'accusations infondées et des cas de torture et de mauvais traitements pendant les interrogatoires ont été signalés, ainsi que des décès en détention. Voici quelques-uns des défenseurs des droits humains et des militants qui ont été arrêtés par la junte.

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  Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi, réalisateur

  Le réalisateur Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi a été arrêté le 1er février 2021, à la suite du coup d'État militaire. Il est un réalisateur de premier plan et le fondateur du Human Dignity Film Institute. Il a produit un documentaire primé, Floating Tomatoes, sur l'effet désastreux des pesticides sur le lac Inle, au Myanmar.

  En août 2019, il avait déjà été arrêté et condamné au titre de la section 505(a) du code pénal du Myanmar à un an de prison par le tribunal du canton d'Insein pour une série de publications sur Facebook critiquant la Constitution de 2008 rédigée par les militaires et le rôle de l'armée dans la vie politique.

  (Crédit photo: Myanmar NOW) 

  Ko Min Thway Thit, étudiant activiste 

  .L'étudiant activiste Ko Min Thway Thit a été arrêté le 1er février 2021, à la suite du coup d'État. Il avait déjà été incarcéré en 2015 pour son rôle dans les manifestations contre le nouveau projet de loi sur l'éducation, puis libéré en 2016.

  Il fait également partie des quatre personnes condamnées à une amende de 30 000 kyats pour avoir organisé une manifestation sans autorisation le 7 juillet 2019 afin de commémorer le massacre d'étudiants activistes par Ne Win en 1962.

  (Crédit photo: Burma News International) 

  Mya Aye, activiste de 88 Generation

  Éminent défenseur de la démocratie et l'un des leaders de 88 Generation a été arrêté le 1er février 2021, à la suite du coup d'État. Mya Aye a été arrêté deux fois sous l'ancienne junte pour son activisme politique pendant et après le soulèvement de 1988 et a purgé un total de 12 ans de prison.

  Il est accusé d'incitation à la haine en vertu de l'article 505(c) du Code pénal, qui prévoit jusqu'à deux ans de prison.

  (Crédit photo: The Myanmar Times)

   

  Shwe Nya Wah Sayadaw, moine bouddhiste pro-démocratie

  Le moine bouddhiste Shwe Nya War Sayadaw a été arrêté le 1er février 2021, à la suite du coup d'État. Il a été détenu par les militaires dans son monastère à Yangon. Ce moine au franc-parler a critiqué le mouvement 969, qui est soutenu par des moines bouddhistes nationalistes.

  En 2012, il a reçu l'ordre de quitter son monastère de Yangon en raison d'un discours prononcé lors d'un événement pro-démocratie au bureau de Mandalay de la Ligue nationale pour la démocratie, où il avait publiquement appelé à la libération des prisonniers politiques et à la fin des guerres civiles en cours.

   (Crédit photo: Kaung Htet/ The Myanmar Times)

  Thin Thin Aung, défenseure des droits humains

  Thin Thin Aung a été arrêtée arbitrairement le 8 avril 2021 dans le canton de Botahtaung à Yangon et emmenée au centre d'interrogatoire militaire de Yay Kyi Ai dans le canton d'Insein à Yangon. Le 9 avril 2021, les forces de sécurité militaires ont fait une descente dans son appartement à Yangon et ont saisi ses biens, y compris ses ordinateurs.

  Elle est cofondatrice de l'agence de presse Mizzima et de la Women's League of Burma (WLB), fondatrice de Women for Justice, anciennement connue sous le nom de Women's Rights and Welfare Association of Burma (WRWAB).

  Depuis le soulèvement de 1988, Thin Thin Aung a consacré sa vie à la lutte pour la démocratie et les droits humains au Myanmar. Elle a passé la plupart de son temps à plaider, au niveau local et international, en faveur de la justice pour les droits humains de la femme.

  Ko Wai Moe Naing, leader de protestation 

  Ko Wai Moe Naing, un éminent leader de la protestation contre la junte à Monywa, dans la région de Sagaing, a été battuet emmené par les forces de la junte après que sa moto a été percutée le 15 avril 2021.  Une photo montrant manifestement qu'il a été gravement torturé est devenue virale le lendemain de son arrestation.

  Wai Moe Naing a pu s'entretenir avec ses avocats pour la première fois le 27 mai 2021, plus d'un mois après son arrestation. Cette rencontre a eu lieu lors d'une audience à la prison de Monywa, où il est actuellement détenu. Il ferait face à un total de 10 chefs d'accusation, dont trahison, meurtre, incitation, association illégale, séquestration et vol à main armée.

  (Crédit photo: Myanmar NOW) 

  Ma Myo Aye, leader syndical

  Ma Myo Aye, l'une des principales dirigeantes syndicales du Myanmar, a été arrêtée le 15 avril 2021. Elle a été arrêtée à son bureau, dans le quartier de Shwepyithar à Yangon, par une quarantaine de membres des forces de sécurité de la junte militaire. Myo Aye a ensuite été emmenée dans un poste de police pour y être interrogée.

  Elle est directrice du syndicat Solidarity Trade Union of Myanmar (STUM) et est parmi les dirigeants syndicaux les plus en vue du mouvement de désobéissance civile, qui organise des grèves et des manifestations nationales depuis la prise du pouvoir par les militaires.

  (Crédit photo: Twitter/@cleanclothes) 

  Man Zar Myay Mon, défenseur des droits fonciers et environnementaux

  Man Zar Myay Mon est un défenseur des droits fonciers et environnementaux de la région de Sagaing. Il a été arrêté le matin du 8 juin 2021 par des soldats alors qu'il tentait de fuir le village de Shan Htoo, dans le canton de Chaung-U, dans la région de Sagaing. Les soldats lui ont tiré dans la jambe alors qu'il circulait à moto, l'ont immédiatement capturé, l'ont menotté et lui ont bandé les yeux. Il est détenu dans un centre d'interrogatoire au siège du commandement nord-ouest de la Tatmadaw à Monywa, dans la région de Sagaing.

  Après être devenu une figure de proue des manifestations pacifiques contre le coup d'État, Man Zar Myay Mon a été inculpé en mars 2021 d'"incitation" au titre de l'article 505(a) du Code pénal pour sa participation aux manifestations et un mandat d'arrêt a été lancé contre lui, ce qui l'a contraint à se cacher. Il travaille depuis de nombreuses années à promouvoir la responsabilisation des industries extractives au profit des communautés locales. Il a également été l'un des chefs de file de la communauté lors des manifestations contre la mine de Letpadaung, dans la région de Sagaing.

  (Crédit photo: The Irrawaddy)

  Ma Chan Bu, journaliste

  Les forces de sécurité ont battu et arrêté la journaliste Ma Chan Bu, du 74 Media, le 29 mars, alors qu'elle couvrait une manifestation à Myitkyina, dans l'État de Kachin. Elle a été arrêtée avec Ko La Raw, qui travaille pour Kachin Wave. Les deux médias sont basés dans la capitale de l'État Kachin. Elle a été inculpée en vertu de la section 505a du Code pénal.

  Selon des rapports datant du 15 juillet 2021, près de la moitié des 87 journalistes arrêtés par la junte du Myanmar au cours des cinq mois qui ont suivi le coup d'État sont toujours en détention. 31 journalistes ont été libérés avant le 30 juin 2021, date à laquelle la junte a déclaré une amnistie générale et libéré 2 300 prisonniers des prisons du pays, dont 14 autres journalistes. Dans la plupart des cas, les autorités ont accusé les reporters de diffamation envers l'armée en vertu de la section 505 (a). Des dizaines de journalistes vivent actuellement cachés.

  (Crédit photo: BNI Multimedia Group)

• Myanmar: Drop Charges Against Three Kachin Activists 

  Joint Statement by CIVICUS and Amnesty International

  Myanmar authorities must immediately drop defamation charges against three Kachin activists who led a peaceful rally in Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State. The march was to call for humanitarian access to thousands of displaced civilians and for an end to the armed conflicts in northern Myanmar. 

  The prosecution of the activists – and other recent cases of politically motivated arrest and imprisonment – represent an alarming return to practices that characterized Myanmar’s decades of direct military rule. 

  On 3 September 2018, Lum Zawng (m), Nang Pu (f), and Zau Jet (m) were charged under Section 500 of the Penal Code with defamation of the Myanmar military. The charges relate to statements they made at a peaceful rally on 30 April 2018 and at a press conference the next day, following major escalation in fighting between the Myanmar military and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), an ethnic armed organization in Kachin State. The violence displaced more than 5,000 civilians, 2,000 of whom were trapped for several weeks in a forest near the village of Aung Lawt without access to humanitarian assistance or safe passage from the area. 

  In response, on 30 April, thousands of people gathered peacefully in Myitkyina to demand the rescue of trapped civilians, the resumption of humanitarian access and an end to the conflict. Lawyer Lum Zawng was one of the organizers of the rally where protesters called for the military to stop aerial attacks on civilians. The authorities have charged him with defamation. 

  The other two activists, Nang Pu, Director of the Htoi Gender and Development Foundation, and Zau Jet, Chairman of the Kachin National Social Development Foundation, are also facing defamation charges for comments they made at a press conference after the rally. The two had spoken about the situation of displaced civilians in the Hpakant area and about reports of threats against and ill-treatment of civilians by Myanmar soldiers. If convicted, they each face up to two years in prison. 

  The prosecution of Lum Zawng, Nang Pu and Zau Jet is clearly an attempt by the Myanmar authorities to intimidate, harass and silence community leaders and human rights defenders who speak out about military abuses and the impact on civilian populations. Amnesty International and global civil society alliance, CIVICUS call on the Myanmar authorities to immediately drop the charges against the three activists. 

  The rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly are enshrined in Articles 19 and 20 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Under international human rights law and standards, certain restrictions on the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly may be imposed, but only in narrow, clearly defined circumstances. Such restrictions must be provided by law; be limited to certain specified purposes such as national security, public order or respect of the rights or reputation of others; and be necessary and proportionate to the achievement of one of those permissible purposes. 

  Amnesty International and CIVICUS are concerned about a range of laws in Myanmar – including Section 500 of the Penal Code – which are incompatible with the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly and which are used to arrest, prosecute and imprison human rights defenders and other peaceful activists. Both organizations urge the Myanmar authorities – in particular Parliament – to take immediate action to review and repeal or else amend all such laws to bring them into line with international human rights law and standards. 

  Human rights defenders play a vital role in the protection and promotion of human rights, and it is crucial that they are able to speak out freely on human rights violations, including those committed by the military against civilians in areas of armed conflict, without fear of repercussions. Under Article 2 of the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, each state has a duty to create the conditions necessary to defend human rights within their jurisdictions. Amnesty International and CIVICUS call on the government of Myanmar to ensure an environment in which it is possible to defend human rights without fear of reprisal or intimidation.

  Background
  The armed conflict between the Myanmar military and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) has been ongoing since June 2011, after a 17-year ceasefire ended. Since the resumption of hostilities, fighting has spread to other parts of northern Myanmar, involving a myriad of armed groups.

  The Myanmar military has committed war crimes and other gross human rights violations against civilians, particularly from ethnic minorities, as documented in detail by Amnesty International in a June 2017 report and by the UN Fact-Finding Mission in a report presented to the Human Rights Council in September 2018. These crimes and violations include unlawful killings, enforced disappearances, torture, arbitrary arrest and indiscriminate shelling of civilian areas. Ethnic armed groups have also committed abuses against civilians. Investigations into allegations of human rights violations and crimes under international law are rare and perpetrators seldom, if ever, held to account, contributing to a climate of impunity in the country. 

  More than 100,000 people have been internally displaced across the conflict-affected areas of northern Myanmar since 2011, many of them displaced multiple times. The humanitarian situation of internally displaced people (IDPs) remains serious, with ongoing concerns about conditions in IDP camps, including access to food, shelter, clean water and sanitation. In addition, the authorities – both civilian and military – have imposed severe restrictions on humanitarian access, exacerbating the needs of the displaced population.

  ENDS

  For more information, contact:

  Josef Benedict
  josef.benedict{AT}civicus.org