research

• CIVICUS Fellowship Programme

  The CIVICUS Fellowship Programme is an exciting new venture in which key experts will be placed into national and/or regional organisations for the period of two years. Host organisations will be selected from CIVICUS’ Affinity Group of National Associations (AGNA), which brings together national and regional associations from across the globe to foster greater co-operation and increased ability to collaborate on mutual areas of interest. The primary aim of the programme is to promote knowledge exchange and learning, and build the capacity of both the host organisation and their members by providing specialised support in a particular focal area. Examples of these focal areas include research, fundraising, communications, project management, advocacy and network management.

  We're pleased to announce the second round of the CIVICUS Fellowship Programme is now open!

  In this round, we invite AGNA members from Africa, Caribbean and Central America, Asia, and the MENA region to apply as the host organisation by 13 March 2017. Please send your completed application (in English, French, or Spanish) or any questions you may have to .

  If you are interested in becoming a fellow, please note that recruitment will start at the end of March 2017. 

• EUROPEAN MEDIA FREEDOM ACT: ‘It will be crucial for EU member states to take this legal framework seriously’

  CIVICUS speaks with Renate Schroeder, Director of the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), about theEuropean Media Freedom Act, the first integrated legislation that protects freedom of expression and media independence and pluralism in the European Union.

  The EFJ is the largest organisation of journalists in Europe, fighting for decent working conditions and defending the right to freedom of expression.

  Why was the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) needed?

  The European Commission (EC) produced the draft EMFA in September 2022, in a context of growing disinformation and threats to media independence and journalists’ safety across Europe. The Vice President of the European Commission for Values and Transparency, Věra Jourová, understood the dangers of media capture and political manipulation. With her help and a lot of research by European institutions, we were able to show media freedom was declining in the European Union (EU), despite the bloc’s historical commitment to this principle.

  That’s why the EC came up with a proposal to ensure the right of all citizens to receive plural and editorially independent information. This had never been formally addressed before. The EMFA is rooted in the need to create clear rules to level the playing field across the EU, addressing issues such as media capture, the independence of public service media, editorial independence, transparency in media ownership and state advertisement.

  What regulations does the EMFA introduce?

  The EMFA seeks to safeguard media freedom and integrity. It includes provisions to protect journalistic sources, ensuring confidentiality. This is particularly crucial for investigative journalism given the growing use of spyware to target journalists’ sources, as seen in countries such as Greece and Hungary.

  The Act also addresses state control over public service media. Rather than state broadcasters, what the ecosystem needs is independent, strong, public service media systems free of state influence or control over funding.

  In addition, the EMFA recognises readers’ right to know who’s behind what they read, so it includes an article on transparency in media ownership and another on editorial independence to prevent journalism being used for political or economic interests or propaganda. This is based on the acknowledgment there are people such as politicians or foreign business leaders who own media outlets and use them for their agendas. They don’t view journalism as a public good but as a tool for propaganda.

  Another issue the Act deals with is content moderation. Journalists are no longer the gatekeepers of information – platforms are. Recognising this, the EMFA requires platforms to consult media service providers and journalists before removing content.

  Finally, the Act establishes a board composed of independent regulatory authorities tasked with overseeing compliance with the EMFA and other related legislation such as the Audiovisual Media Service Directive.

  What were the main points of contention during the process?

  At the beginning, several stakeholders were against the EMFA. Germany raised one significant point of contention. It has a federal system where states have their own independent regulatory media systems, and they were concerned about potential interference from Brussels.

  Publishers also presented a challenge. They showed little interest in any transparency or editorial regulation and had concerns about a European board having a say on that.

  However, with the support of a group of media freedom organisations, digital rights advocates and other civil society groups, we overcame most of these obstacles. While the initial draft was not as good as we would have liked, the European Parliament emerged as our ally and helped strengthen transparency rules and reinforce provisions related to public media service and source protection.

  One particularly contentious issue during negotiations with both the European Parliament and European Council was the protection of sources and safeguards against spyware. Some states, such as France, argued for exemptions based on national security considerations. These risked compromising the protection of journalists’ sources and transforming the EMFA into a surveillance tool. Thanks to efforts of supportive countries such as Spain, these proposals were rejected, preserving the EMFA’s integrity.

  Does the final draft fully address civil society concerns?

  While the final draft addresses some concerns raised by civil society, there are areas where our partners feel it could have gone further.

  For instance, on the issue of transparency of media ownership, civil society groups wanted to establish a European database, but this provision didn’t go through. We also wanted to include a stronger article addressing concentration of media ownership and requiring a public interest test for mergers. The language in the final agreement is often too principled, which may cause problems when implemented at the national level.

  Even so, we understand that drafting regulations at the European level, where you deal with multiple and diverse states, is not easy. The current rise of right-wing governments is only making it harder. Even traditionally supportive states such as Denmark, Finland and Sweden have been cautious in their approaches.

  We knew it was now or never, so we are very happy the EMFA got adopted, even if some articles are not worded as strongly as we would have liked. With right-wing movements on the rise, there was a lot of pressure to agree a final text and have it passed right away, even if it wasn’t perfect, because the June European Parliament elections will likely result in a more right-wing Parliament.

  What happens next?

  The next step is for the European Parliament’s Plenary session in Strasbourg on 11 March to formally vote on the provision agreement, which the Council of the EU under the current Belgian presidency will officially adopt. The Act needs a three-fourths majority, and only Hungary is certain to vote against. It will enter into force a year afterwards, with some articles taking effect earlier, at six months, and others later, at 15 months. And then it will get implemented and have direct effects at the national level.

  There will likely be a testing period in which civil society and journalists’ organisations will play a vital role in ensuring effective implementation and taking legal action if necessary. For instance, if media providers fail to comply with transparency rules, civil society may need to challenge them in court.

  However, it is still unclear how this process will work. For instance, if a civil society organisation in Hungary believes there’s a lack of plural access to media and decides to take legal action, it may face challenges in Hungary’s judicial system and may need to escalate the issue to the Court of Justice in Luxembourg, a process that could take several years.

  I am also worried about how the article on the protection of sources will be implemented. Even though safeguards are in place, this article may be misinterpreted. At the end of the day, national security issues are always defined at the national level. That’s a limitation of all EU treaties and some states may end up finding clever ways to circumvent these protections.

  Having this legal framework in place is a big step forward, but it will also be crucial for states to take it seriously.

  Over the last five years, the EC has made significant progress in regulating the information ecosystem, with initiatives such as the Digital Service Act, Digital Markets Act, Artificial Intelligence Act and now the EMFA. The main challenge will be the effective implementation of all these measures. We hope the EC will prioritise implementation and sanction states that fail to comply. We also hope the EMFA will receive sufficient funding for the board to deal with monitoring and implementing it. Without proper enforcement, no regulation will be of any help.

  What further reforms are needed?

  We are worried about the use of generative AI to promote disinformation and deep fakes. Voluntary guidelines are not enough. We need stronger measures that balance freedom of expression with human control over AI systems. While AI can be a great tool for journalists it can also be misused.

  The EU is at a crossroads. The European Parliament has always been on the side of media freedom, and for the first time we risk losing this support. Young voters will play a vital role in the upcoming elections. Their engagement, informed vote and understanding of the role of the EU and what is at stake may change the course of the elections. And for that facts are needed, and a healthy information ecosystem with limited disinformation circulating in social media.

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  Get in touch with the European Federation of Journalists through itswebsite orInstagram andFacebook pages, and follow@EFJEUROPE and@renatemargot on Twitter.

• GLOBAL CAMPAIGN: ‘The future of work requires a shift away from a focus on time’

  CIVICUS speaks about the proposal for a four-day working week with Hazel Gavigan, Global Campaigns and Activation Officer of 4 Day Week Global.

  4 Day Week Global is a civil society organisation (CSO) that advocates for a move towards a four-day working week to improve both workplace productivity and the wellbeing of employees.

  How would the proposed four-day week work, and why do you advocate for it?

  At 4 Day Week Global, it’s our ambition to make a four-day week the new default and reduced working time the new standard. The four-day week that we advocate for is very much a flexible model, not a rigid, ‘one-size-fits-all approach’ and is based on the general principle of the 100:80:100™ model – 100 per cent of the pay, for 80 per cent of the time and, crucially, in exchange for 100 per cent of the productivity or output.

  The disruption to societal and workplace norms by the COVID-19 pandemic has illustrated the potential for very different models of work, for both workers and employers, and reinforced the need to rethink old, established patterns. We believe the future of work requires a shift away from a focus on time, as this is not an effective way to measure people’s contributions at work. Instead, we need to focus on measuring and rewarding collective outputs.

  The four-day week we are campaigning for has countless cross-society benefits in terms of gender equality, sustainability and general improvements to health and happiness. Where implemented, it allows for better distribution of caring responsibilities, as reduced working time enables men to carry out a greater portion of labour within the home. This, in turn, helps remove barriers to women achieving senior positions in work, taking on leadership roles and pursuing training opportunities.

  Research also suggests that moving to a four-day week will reduce carbon emissions by around a fifth, by cutting back on commuting time and energy use in buildings. In her recent TED talk, one of our research partners, Professor Juliet Schor, also makes the point that when people are time-stressed, they tend to choose faster and more polluting modes of travel and daily life activities. Whereas when we get time rather than money, we tend to have a lower carbon footprint.

  And crucially, with an extra free day in the week, workers report feeling happier and less stressed and are more productive. This alone is an excellent outcome, but it also has a positive impact on businesses. Employers find that productivity is maintained, or in some cases, increased and they also have less costs associated with employee sick leave due to stress and burnout, and recruitment and retraining, as workers are satisfied in their jobs and less likely to leave for elsewhere.

  How are you advocating for the four-day week?

  Previously, we established national campaigns to generate interest and conversation in a country and then built on that to run a pilot programme there. However, the pandemic has turbocharged an organic momentum and now our pilot programme is the main driver of the campaign.

  Up to now, most case studies on the four-day work week were conducted at an individual company level, with a few exceptions, such as Iceland. The purpose of our pilot programmes is to demonstrate that the positive outcomes achieved by individual businesses we’ve observed can be replicated on a much broader scale in a variety of countries and industries.

  If we can prove the positive impact of reduced-hour, productivity-focused working on business outcomes, employee wellbeing and society in general, those results will be the driver of change that will get more and more big corporations and governments interested.

  So currently, the data and evidence our pilots produce is central to our approach in influencing the policy agenda.

  4 Day Week Global is currently running coordinated six-month trials of the four-day working week in Australia, Canada, Ireland, New Zealand, the UK and the USA, with numerous others planned in the coming months.

  As part of this, we have developed a package of support for employers who agree to participate in the pilot, which provides those organisations with access to the expertise, tools and resources they need to run a smooth and successful trial.

  We offer a specialised training programme, designed and delivered by companies who already operate a four-day week. Companies receive mentorship and advice from a panel of experts and business leaders from around the world. There are networking opportunities with other companies participating in the trial and participants get access to world-class academic research and expert analysis.

  Leading scholars work with each participating company to define and establish their research baseline and relevant productivity metrics for the trial. The economic, social and ecological impact of the four-day week is also monitored throughout, assessing productivity, employee wellbeing and gender and environmental impacts, both through direct carbon emissions and indirect behavioural changes. Ultimately, the key to success is recognising that time invested in work actually matters less than the results produced.

  We also have hundreds of advocates who volunteer to help grow the movement, offering everything from starting a national campaign for a four-day week in their own country to simply sharing some content on social media. It’s through this network that we can sustain and expand our level of growth, so if anyone reading this article would like to join the cause, they can sign up here.

  How did you win support for the four-day work week trial currently happening in the UK? What do you hope to get out of it?

  There’s a 4 Day Week Campaign in the UK which has been active for a number of years and quite high profile in terms of commissioning research and engaging in debate in the public square. So that definitely played a role in priming the audience and generating interest and support for the trial that recently launched.

  This is also an idea whose time has come and the support seen for the four-day week in the UK is largely down to an exponential growth in the conversation about how we work.

  Business leaders are drawn to this for recruitment and competition purposes in the midst of the ‘great resignation’ – a time when many people are looking to switch jobs. Managers are more open-minded because they were forced to trust their workers during the pandemic and figure out how to measure actual output as opposed to how long employees were spending in the office. And workers now see that a four-day week is possible in a way that they previously didn’t.

  What kind of challenges have you faced?

  The biggest challenge is convincing business leaders that the four-day week can work for them. Many people like the concept but argue that it wouldn’t be possible in their organisation. However, almost all companies that move to a four-day week do three big things: radically shorten and reform meetings, use technology more thoughtfully and mindfully, and redesign the workday to build in distinct periods for focused work, meetings and social time.

  Studies show that the average worker loses between two and three hours each day to useless meetings, poor technology implementation and just plain old distraction. So, the four-day week is actually already here; we just can’t see it because it’s buried underneath these old and thoughtless practices.

  Sometimes when companies do commit to trialling a four-day week, they overthink it in the preparatory phase and try to come up with a solution to every potential problem, which is of course impossible. So, our advice in that situation is to trust your workers to solve issues as they arise. That’s what a trial is all about.

  Are you receiving support from other CSOs?

  Yes, we are. One good example of this is the 4 Day Week Ireland campaign, where a coalition of trade unions, businesses, environmentalists, women’s rights groups, other CSOs, academics and health practitioners all joined forces with 4 Day Week Global to start a national conversation about the widespread benefits of reduced-hour, productivity-focused working.

  The results of this saw widespread media coverage on the issue which, in turn, primed the public for the launch of the Irish four-day week pilot programme, which got underway earlier this year. The coalition was also afforded the opportunity to present to key political stakeholders in an enterprise, trade and employment context, the outcome of which resulted in a government-sponsored research tender seeking to better understand the social, economic and environmental implications of reduced working time.

  We’ve had great success up to this point with the rollout of our international pilot programmes. However, in order to secure widespread change, there are four areas which feed into the overall success of the movement: labour market competition, public demand, collective bargaining and government intervention. All four of these players have different degrees of influence depending on the sector, but we need collaboration from all parties if we’re to see a broad implementation of the shorter working week.

  Get in touch with 4 Day Week Global through itswebsite orFacebook andInstagram pages, and follow@4dayweek_global on Twitter.

• GLOBAL: ‘With a wealth tax on the biggest fortunes, extreme poverty can be eradicated’

  CIVICUS speaks about climate change, global inequality and the need for redistribution with Adrien Fabre, a France-based climate economistand founder of Global Redistribution Advocates (GRA).

  GRA is a civil society organisation (CSO) that promotes public debate about three global redistribution policies that enjoy wide public opinion support worldwide – a global wealth tax, a global climate plan and a global climate assembly – and advocates towards political parties in several countries to incorporate these into their agendas and programmes.

  What inspired you to become a climate economist and found GRA?

  I started my PhD in economics with the goal of understanding humanity’s problems and proposing solutions. I always wanted to give voice to every human, so I naturally specialised in running surveys. Then, in the context of the Yellow Vests protests that began in 2018, I surveyed French people about their attitudes towards climate policies. This sparked interest at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), which called on me to conduct a similar survey in other countries. I seized the opportunity to ask people questions they had never been asked before, such as whether they supported a global tax on millionaires to finance low-income countries. I was amazed by the levels of support: more than 70 per cent in every country!

  I ran complementary surveys in Europe and the USA. I tried asking questions differently and tested policies in which the respondents would lose money, but the results were the same: people in western countries were willing to lose a few dozen euros per month to end climate change and global poverty. Furthermore, the support is sincere: you can read this scientific article or my Twitter thread for details.

  Now, if there is such strong support for global redistribution, why doesn’t anyone propose it or defend it in public debate? To advocate for global redistributive policies to transfer resources or power from high to low-income countries I launched GRA in April 2023.

  What are your proposals?

  We have three main proposals to promote wealth redistribution, environmental sustainability and global cooperation to address pressing global challenges. The first is a global wealth tax on individual wealth exceeding US$5 million, with half of the tax proceeds distributed to lower-income countries.

  This tax would spare 99.9 per cent of the world’s population, who have wealth below US$5 million. And if the tax were just two per cent, it would collect one per cent of the world’s GDP, which is more than the GDP of all low-income countries, home to 700 million people, combined. Our proposed tax schedule is moderate: two per cent for fortunes above US$5 million, six per cent for those above US$100 million and 10 per cent for those above US$1 billion. A tax of two per cent is far lower than the interests, rents and dividends such a fortune generates.

  Our second proposal is a global climate plan aimed at combatting climate change through a worldwide carbon emissions cap, implemented by a system of global emissions trading, and financing a global basic income.

  This plan would enter into force as soon as signatory countries cover 60 per cent of global carbon emissions. Participating countries would enforce a cap on carbon emissions, decreasing each year and down to net zero emissions after three decades, in line with the temperature target. Each year, emissions permits would be auctioned to firms that extract fossil fuels or import them from non-participating countries, making polluters pay. To cover the cost of emissions permits, firms would increase fossil fuel prices, which would in turn encourage individuals and businesses to change their equipment or adjust their habits, eventually reducing carbon emissions. The revenues from carbon pricing would fund a global basic income estimated at US$50 per month for each person over 15.

  This plan would bring a massive redistribution from countries with a carbon footprint higher than the global average – like OECD countries – to those with a lower-than-average carbon footprint, including most of Africa, South and Southeast Asia and Latin America. It includes mechanisms to encourage participation by all countries, such as a tariff on goods imported from non-participating countries in proportion to their carbon content, a provision allowing middle-income countries such as China to opt out from the mutualisation of revenues to guarantee that it would not lose from the plan while ensuring that it decarbonises with the same carbon price, and a provision facilitating the participation of subnational entities like California or the state of New York even if the federal level does not participate.

  The wealth tax and the climate plan would each redistribute one per cent of the world’s GDP from high to low-income countries every year. Extreme poverty can be eradicated. The average income in a country like the Democratic Republic of the Congo would double following the transfers.

  Our third proposition is that of a global climate assembly, comprised of representatives elected through proportional representation in participating nations, tasked with drafting a comprehensive treaty to address climate change globally. Before even the beginning of that experiment in democratic governance at the global scale, the assembly would bring a radical change, as the election campaign would foster a global public debate on climate justice.

  Please check our website for details: each policy has its own advocacy campaign, with a fully-fledged policy proposal, a petition and a video.

  Who are you targeting these proposals at, and how are you working to get the message across?

  We are targeting our campaigns at policymakers, scholars, civil society and lay people. Many scholars have endorsed our proposals. GRA is a member of civil society networks in each of our policy domains, and we are hoping that key CSOs will endorse our proposals. We have already met with cabinet members of various governments, including Brazil, Colombia, France, Germany and South Africa, as well as many European Union (EU) politicians. And we are sending dozens of emails every day to get more meetings. Once we get a book on our climate plan and the scientific article finished and published, we will reach out to the public. We will publish an open letter in widely read newspapers, calling on world leaders to discuss global redistributive policies at the United Nations (UN), the G20 and climate summits.

  Hopefully, we will get media attention and the movement will grow. It will help if well-known personalities, including celebrities, endorse our proposals. But it will take a social movement to make change happen, perhaps a global demonstration. Our hope is that a large coalition of political parties, CSOs and labour unions throughout the world endorse some common policies towards a sustainable and fair future – ours, or similar ones. This will likely strengthen the parties of the coalition and help them win elections. Our research shows that progressive candidates would gain votes if they endorsed global redistributive policies.

  What are the prospects of these proposals being implemented in the near future?

  Our proposals are getting more and more endorsements every day. The African Union just called for a global carbon price and will defend this idea in international negotiations.

  But our proposal that receives the largest support is the global wealth tax. The next European Parliament elections will be held in June 2024, and left-wing parties will campaign on a European wealth tax. We have proposed that one-third of this European wealth tax would be allocated to lower-income countries outside Europe, and there are good chances that some parties will take this forward. A petition in favour of a wealth tax has recently been signed by 130 members of the European Parliament, and politicians from all parties on the left and centre endorse our proposal. However, a majority in the European Parliament would not suffice, as this proposal would require unanimity at the Council of the EU, that is, the approval of each EU government.

  However, three things can help. First, Brazil will chair the G20 in 2024, and we hope that President Lula, along with other leaders, will put pressure on global north states for global redistribution. Second, it would help if US President Joe Biden included wealth taxes on the agenda of his re-election campaign. Third, the campaign for the 2024 European Parliament elections could create momentum for some countries to move forward, even if the EU does not.

  I am optimistic that wealth taxes will be implemented – perhaps not in 2024, but within the next decade. However, I fear negotiations might end up being overseen by the OECD, resulting in a disappointing agreement, as happened on international corporate taxation. Negotiations on international taxation must be hosted by the UN, not the OECD. And regarding the content of the negotiations, we should be vigilant of three elements: the exemption threshold, which should not exceed US$5 million; the tax rates, which should be progressive and not too low; and the distribution of revenues, a substantial part of which must go to low-income countries.

  Civil society mobilisation will be key to promoting the global wealth tax, making it a central campaign issue and turning it into effective international policy. You can help by signing our petitions, donating, or volunteering for GRA. GRA is also hiring, so feel free to contact us!

  What are your hopes and expectations regarding the upcoming COP28 climate summit?

  COPs sometimes bring good surprises. Last year, high-income countries finally accepted the principle of a fund to compensate vulnerable countries for the loss and damage from climate change, after 30 years of demands from the developing world.

  But I don’t expect any good news this year, as the upcoming COP28 in Dubai is chaired by the CEO of the United Arab Emirates’ state oil company. More generally, I do not expect much from COPs because its decisions are made by consensus, so countries like Saudi Arabia can block any meaningful proposal. This is what led to the current system of nationally determined contributions: while all countries supposedly share the common goal of limiting global warming to ‘well below 2°C’, there are no binding commitments, no harmonised policies, no agreement on burden-sharing, and the sum of countries’ voluntary pledges is inconsistent with the common goal.

  To break the deadlock, states with ambitious climate goals should start negotiations in parallel with the UN framework. I think the EU and China should start bilateral negotiations. If they put forward something like the global climate plan that we propose, countries that would benefit from it would surely accept it, and more than 60 per cent of global emissions would be covered. This would put enormous pressure on other countries to join, and particularly other OECD countries such as the USA.

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  Get in touch with Global Redistribution Advocates through itswebsite or itsFacebook page, and follow@GlobalRedistrib and@adrien_fabre on Twitter.

• Introducing CIVICUS Impact Stories: Understanding our contribution towards expanded civic and democratic space

  A message from Lysa John, Secretary-General of CIVICUS   

  Dear CIVICUS members and allies,

  In July 2022, CIVICUS started delivering on ourrevised strategic plan, focusing on one overachieving goal across the alliance: ‘to strengthen civil society and civic action for expanded civic and democratic space.’ Since then, we’ve embarked on a journey to better evidence, understand and share our contributions to defending and improving civic and democratic freedoms. 

  We know that long-term systemic change takes time and cannot be achieved alone. And yet, we are already beginning to see early signals of transformative change from our collective efforts. In this update, I share three examples of impact from a combination of our influencing, organising, and solidarity actions.

  Solidarity Informed Member Engagement

  Within the framework of our revised strategy, our primary objective has been to build counterpower and strengthen solidarity among CIVICUS members. Our Membership and Networks team curates opportunities to enhance capacities and facilitate deeper engagement between members working on similar themes or sharing similar challenges. We’ve been proud to support member participation atCOP28 and the Climate Justice Camp. Our member-driven We RISE! initiative supports 20 organisations to sustain local campaigns to overcome challenges related to the Freedom of Peaceful Assembly (FoPA). 

  CIVICUS Member, HuMENA for Human Rights and Civic Engagement shares:“The We RISE! campaign has been a pivotal moment for us, setting a new trajectory for our future endeavours. It has not only reshaped our internal strategies but also fostered a broader regional evaluation among our partners regarding the centrality of FoPA. This campaign is poised to redefine our operational approach and impact in the years ahead, marking the most profound change in our organisation's history.”

  And below, is just one of many examples of how our members are promoting the right to peaceful assembly. See SALAM DHR’s We RISE! campaign video, which draws attention to the legal framework on the right to peaceful protest in Bahrain.

  

  CIVICUS research and analysis drives global public discourse and debate on civic and democratic space

  In a time of mounting global obstacles, conflict, and crisis, our research and analysis remain a steady anchor, highlighting the threats to civic freedoms and identifying trends in civil society action. We are encouraged to see the growing use and reference of our key publications, People Power Under Attack and the State of Civil Society Reports. From January – April of this year alone, CIVICUS research and analysis garnered 1,700 media mentions across 90 countries, in 31 languages.

  Following the release of Power People Under Attack in December 2023, a student organisation at Koblenz University organised an event titled "Day Against Repression” to discuss the implications of the crackdown on climate activism and democracy in Germany. 

  In February 2024, the CIVICUS Monitor also published a historical Global Data Report,Rights Reversed, identifying seven key trends in civic space from 2019 to 2023. I had the opportunity to present this analysis at this year’s Norad Conference on the theme of Rights and Resistance. I used this opportunity to highlight the effectiveness of translational solidarity in achieving gains in climate justice, LGBTIQA+ and women’s movements. Watch the full intervention below.

  Most recently, our State of Civil Society report drew interest from global media, including:

  • The Jurist- covered State of Civil Society report 2024 
  • Climate Home News - cited State of Civil Society report 2024
  • Al Jazeera - referenced the CIVICUS Monitor Watchlist 
  • The Guardian - cited the Monitor’s downgrade of Bangladesh to “closed”

  Civil society’s voice and needs are amplified in the United Nations’ process and mechanisms.

  Over the past year, our Geneva and New York Hubs have been playing a critical role in diversifying civil society voices at the United Nations (UN). The Geneva Hub has significantly increased its support for human rights defenders and activists, enabling them to deliver Human Rights Council (HRC) statements and participate in the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) process. CIVICUS members and partners have delivered 51% of our HRC statements, a notable increase from 25% in 2022.  Additionally, we’ve supported grassroots civil society participation in the UPR process, providing a platform for those closest to the issues to share tangible recommendations to improve human rights in their countries. These interventions are complemented by advocacy missions and side events in around the Geneva processes to facilitate ongoing dialogue for renewed commitments.

  Our New York Hub has also supported consultations to refresh long-standing calls for meaningful civil society participation at the UN. The #UNMute global campaign is now driven by 460 partners and 60 member states with key recommendations to enhance the voice of civil society at the UN. Ahead of the Summit of the Future Conference, our UN Advisor Jesselina Ranacautioned how the NairobiSummit of the Futureconference could further sideline civil society, and Mandeep Tiwana, our Chief Officer for Evidence and Engagement,highlighting the campaign's key recommendations, including the appointment of civil society envoy.

  Civil society has been key to influencing the adoption of peaceful resolutions at the UN. Following the 53rd session of the HRC, CIVICUS especially welcomed the adoption of theCivilSocietySpace resolution, which acknowledged the positive role of civil society participation in UN mechanisms. The resolution further asks the Human Rights Commissioner to engage in a comprehensive consultative process to regularly assess civic space trends, which may lead, in the long term, to the development of indicators and benchmarks. This could not have been realised without the civil society. 

  These instanceshave only strengthened our conviction that our work with and for groups affected by the combined impact of civic space restrictions and structural forms ofdiscrimination will drive long-term, systemic change. As we continue this journey, weremain committed to prioritising collective effort and learning, and empowering our members and partners to effect change locally and regionally. Together, we have the power to build a world where civic freedoms thrive.

  In solidarity,

  Lysa John (LinkedIn)

• JORDAN: ‘Commercial spyware that enables digital repression and abuse must be completely banned’

  CIVICUS speaks with Access Now about their forensic investigation that exposed the use of Pegasus spyware to target activists and journalists in Jordan. Access Now is an international civil society organisation that works to defend and extend the digital rights of people and communities at risk.

  

  What restrictions do Jordanian journalists and activists face?

  Over the past four years, the Jordanian government has dialled up its crackdown on the rights to freedom of association, expression and peaceful assembly. Journalists, human rights defenders, labour unions and activists are routinely harassed, detained and prosecuted under vague and draconian laws. In late 2022 and throughout 2023, several lawyers, journalists and activists were arrested in connection with protests or for their social media posts.

  Repression has deepened as a result of the new cybercrime law adopted in August 2023. This law threatens online freedom of expression on the basis of ambiguous and overly broad provisions about ‘spreading fake news’, ‘promoting, instigating, aiding or inciting immorality’, ‘online assassination of personality’, ‘provoking strife’ and ‘undermining national unity’. The law is now being weaponised to quash pro-Palestinian protests and activism in Jordan. Since 7 October 2023, hundreds of protesters expressing solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza have been detained and many others prosecuted under this draconian law.

  Our recent forensic investigation into the use of NSO Group’s Pegasus spyware in Jordan has revealed an additional layer of repression, with at least 35 people being targeted for no reason other than their peaceful political dissent and human rights advocacy.

  How’s spyware used, and who’s using it?

  In January 2022, Access Now and Front Line Defenders revealed that Pegasus spyware had been used to hack prominent Jordanian human rights lawyer Hala Ahed. Hala was hacked in March 2021, and it was an isolating and traumatic experience for her. Access Now then joined Citizen Lab to further investigate the use of Pegasus spyware in Jordan.

  Our joint forensic investigation uncovered a terrifyingly widespread use of Pegasus to target Jordanian media and civil society. We found traces of Pegasus spyware on the mobile devices of 30 activists, journalists, lawyers and civil society members. Further forensic analysis by our partners Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International’s Security Lab and the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project identified five more Pegasus victims, bringing the total to 35.

  This is the largest pool of Pegasus victims uncovered in Jordan so far, but we believe actual numbers are much higher. We don’t know exactly who is behind these attacks because spyware manufacturers such as NSO Group make the identification of perpetrators of cyberattacks very hard.

  The NSO Group blatantly claims its surveillance technologies are crucial for governments to fight crime and terrorism. Conveniently, this is the same pretext used by dictators and repressive regimes to criminalise the work of journalists and activists and prosecute them under draconian counterterrorism and cybercrime laws. It’s a match made in hell, as a result of which activists and journalists are hacked, prosecuted, jailed, tortured and killed merely for exercising their rights or doing their job.

  What can activists and journalists do to protect themselves?

  Unfortunately, given their stealthy nature, there’s no bulletproof protection against spyware attacks. Zero click spyware doesn’t require any interaction between the software and the user of the hacked device. It basically exploits a vulnerability in the device’s software to infect it without the user’s knowledge.

  Still, there are some basic protection measures everyone should implement. For example, every time a vulnerability is discovered, Apple patches it, which means it’s important for users to ensure their device’s operating system is always up to date, otherwise the patch won’t apply. Activists can also enable the Lockdown Mode feature on their Apple devices, which seems to be helping protect at-risk users.

  How does Access Now hold governments and companies accountable?

  For years, Access Now and broader civil society have been campaigning for a global moratorium on the export, sale, transfer, servicing and use of targeted digital surveillance technologies until rigorous human rights safeguards are put in place. Commercial spyware that enables digital repression and abuse worldwide, such as Pegasus, must be completely banned. We are not there yet, but this is our baseline to rein in the surveillance tech industry.

  There have been some positive steps toward holding spyware companies accountable. For instance, a number of Israeli spyware outfits including NSO Group, Candiru and four Intellexa entities were added to a list of the US Department of Commerce that includes entities engaging in activities contrary to the USA’s national security or foreign policy interests. The latest addition to the list was the Canada-based firm Sandvine, blacklisted for enabling digital repression in Egypt. In February 2024, the US State Department also announced a new visa sanctions policy that will deny visas to anyone involved in, facilitating or deriving financial benefit from the misuse of commercial spyware around the world.

  Civil society plays a vital role in exposing how these shady companies profit from facilitating human rights abuses around the world and demanding accountability for violations and reparation to spyware victims. Its continued work is key to holding governments and spyware companies accountable.

  ---

  Civic space in Jordan is rated ‘repressed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.

  Get in touch with Access Now through itswebsite orFacebook andInstagram pages, and follow@accessnow on Twitter.

• Presentación de las historias de impacto de CIVICUS: Cómo entender nuestra contribución a la ampliación del espacio cívico y democrático

  Mensaje de Lysa John, secretaria general de CIVICUS   

  Estimados miembros y aliados de CIVICUS,

  En julio de 2022, comenzamos a poner en práctica nuestroplan estratégico revisado, centrado en un objetivo prioritario para toda la alianza: «fortalecer la sociedad civil y la acción cívica para ampliar el espacio cívico y democrático». Desde entonces, hemos emprendido un camino para evidenciar, comprender y compartir mejor nuestras aportaciones destinadas a defender y mejorar las libertades cívicas y democráticas. 

  Sabemos que el cambio sistémico a largo plazo lleva tiempo y no puede lograrse en solitario. No obstante, ya estamos empezando a ver las primeras señales de un cambio transformador gracias a nuestros esfuerzos colectivos. En esta actualización, comparto tres ejemplos del impacto que ha tenido combinar nuestras actuaciones en materia de incidencia, organización y solidaridad.  

  Compromiso solidario con la membresía

  En el marco de nuestra estrategia revisada, nuestro principal objetivo ha sido crear contrapoder y reforzar la solidaridad entre los miembros de CIVICUS. Nuestro equipo de membresía y redes se encarga de crear oportunidades para mejorar las capacidades y facilitar un compromiso más profundo entre los miembros que trabajan en temas similares o comparten retos parecidos. Nos complace haber apoyado la participación de nuestros miembros en laCOP28 y en el Campamento por la Justicia Climática. Nuestra iniciativaWe RISE, impulsada por nuestros miembros, apoya a 20 organizaciones para que lleven a cabo campañas locales destinadas a superar los retos que plantea la libertad de reunión pacífica. 

  La organización HuMENA por los derechos humanos y el compromiso cívico, miembro de CIVICUS, comparte: «La campañaWe RISE ha supuesto un punto de inflexión para nosotros, que ha marcado una nueva trayectoria para nuestros proyectos futuros. No sólo ha reconfigurado nuestras estrategias internas, sino que también ha fomentado una evaluación regional más amplia entre nuestros socios con respecto a la relevancia de la libertad de reunión pacífica. Esta campaña va a redefinir nuestro enfoque operativo y nuestro impacto en los próximos años, marcando el cambio más profundo en la historia de nuestra organización».

  A continuación, se muestra uno de los muchos ejemplos de cómo nuestros miembros están promoviendo el derecho de reunión pacífica. En el vídeo de la campañaWe RISE de SALAM DHR se destaca el marco jurídico del derecho a la protesta pacífica en Bahréin.

  

  La investigación y el análisis de CIVICUS sirven para impulsar el discurso público y el debate sobre el espacio cívico y democrático

  En una época de conflictos, crisis y cada vez mayores obstáculos a escala mundial, nuestras investigaciones y análisis siguen siendo un punto de apoyo constante, que pone de relieve las amenazas a las libertades cívicas e identifica las tendencias en la acción de la sociedad civil. Nos reconforta ver cómo aumentan la difusión y las referencias a nuestras publicaciones clave, El poder ciudadano bajo ataque y los Informes sobre el estado de la sociedad civil. Sólo entre enero y abril de este año, las investigaciones y los análisis de CIVICUS obtuvieron 1.700 menciones en los medios de comunicación de 90 países, en 31 idiomas. 

  Tras la publicación de El poder ciudadano bajo ataque en diciembre de 2023, una organización estudiantil de la Universidad de Coblenza organizó un acto titulado «Día contra la represión» para debatir las implicaciones de la represión del activismo climático y la democracia en Alemania. 

  En febrero de 2024, el CIVICUS Monitor también publicó un informe de datos históricos globales,Rights Reversed, en el que se identificaban siete tendencias clave en el espacio cívico de 2019 a 2023. Tuve la oportunidad de presentar este análisis en la Conferencia Norad de este año sobre el tema «Derechos y resistencia». Aproveché esta oportunidad para destacar la importancia de la solidaridad internacional para lograr avances en materia de justicia climática, LGBTIQA+ y movimientos de mujeres. A continuación, puedes ver la intervención completa.

  Recientemente, nuestro informe sobre el estado de la sociedad civil ha captado el interés de medios de comunicación de todo el mundo, como:

  • The Jurist - cubrió el informe sobre el estado de la sociedad civil 2024 
  • Climate Home News - citó el informe sobre el estado de la sociedad civil 2024
  • Al Jazeera - citó la lista de vigilancia del CIVICUS Monitor 
  • The Guardian - citó la bajada de calificación de Bangladesh por parte del Monitor a «cerrado»

  La opinión y las necesidades de la sociedad civil se amplían en los procesos y mecanismos de las Naciones Unidas

  En el último año, nuestras sedes de Ginebra y Nueva York han desempeñado un papel fundamental en la difusión de las voces de la sociedad civil en las Naciones Unidas. La sede de Ginebra ha incrementado significativamente su apoyo a las personas que defienden los derechos humanos y a los activistas, facilitándoles la realización de declaraciones ante el Consejo de Derechos Humanos (CDH) y su participación en el proceso del Examen Periódico Universal (EPU). Los miembros y socios de CIVICUS han realizado el 51% de nuestras declaraciones ante el CDH, lo que supone un notable aumento respecto al 25% de 2022.  Además, hemos apoyado la participación de la sociedad civil de base en el proceso del EPU, proporcionando una plataforma para que las personas más cercanas a los problemas compartan recomendaciones tangibles para mejorar los derechos humanos en sus países. Estas intervenciones se complementan con misiones de incidencia y actos paralelos en torno a los procesos de Ginebra para facilitar el diálogo en curso con el fin de renovar los compromisos.  

  En Nueva York también hemos apoyado consultas para reactivar los llamamientos a una participación significativa de la sociedad civil en la ONU. La campaña mundial #UNMute cuenta ahora con el apoyo de 460 socios y 60 Estados miembros, con recomendaciones clave para potenciar la voz de la sociedad civil en la ONU. Antes de la Conferencia de la Cumbre del Futuro, nuestra asesora para la ONU Jesselina Ranaadvirtió de cómo la Conferencia de la Cumbre del Futuro de Nairobi podría marginar aún más a la sociedad civil, y Mandeep Tiwana, nuestro responsable de datos y participacióndestacó las principales recomendaciones de la campaña, como el nombramiento de un enviado de la sociedad civil.

  La sociedad civil ha sido clave para influir en la adopción de resoluciones pacíficas en la ONU. Tras la 53ª sesión del CDH, CIVICUS acogió con especial satisfacción la adopción de la resolución sobre el espacio de la sociedad civil, que reconoce el papel positivo de la participación de la sociedad civil en los mecanismos de la ONU. La resolución pide además al Comisionado de Derechos Humanos que emprenda un amplio proceso consultivo para evaluar periódicamente las tendencias del espacio cívico, lo que puede conducir, a largo plazo, al desarrollo de indicadores y puntos de referencia. Esto no podría haberse llevado a cabo sin la sociedad civil.  

  Estos casos no han hecho sino reforzar nuestra convicción de que nuestro trabajo con y para los grupos afectados por el efecto combinado de las restricciones del espacio cívico y las formas estructurales de discriminación impulsará un cambio sistémico a largo plazo. A medida que avanzamos en este camino, mantenemos nuestro compromiso de dar prioridad al esfuerzo y el aprendizaje colectivos, y de capacitar a nuestra membresía y a nuestros socios para lograr el cambio a escala local y regional. Juntos, tenemos el poder de construir un mundo en el que prosperen las libertades cívicas. 

  En solidaridad, 

  Lysa John (LinkedIn)

• Présentation des histoires d'impact de CIVICUS : comprendre notre contribution à la construction d'un espace civique et démocratique

  Message de Lysa John, secrétaire générale de CIVICUS   

  Chers membres et alliés de CIVICUS,

  En juillet 2022, nous avons commencé à mettre en œuvre notre plan stratégique révisé, axé sur un objectif prioritaire à l'échelle de l'alliance : « renforcer la société civile et l'action civique pour élargir l'espace civique et démocratique ». Nous avons depuis lors entrepris un parcours visant à mieux mettre en évidence, comprendre et partager nos contributions à la défense et à l'amélioration des libertés civiques et démocratiques. 

  Nous savons qu'un changement systémique à long terme prend du temps et ne peut être réalisé seul. Cependant, nous commençons déjà à voir les premiers signes d'un changement transformateur grâce à nos efforts collectifs. Dans cette mise à jour, je partage trois exemples de l'impact de la combinaison de nos actions de plaidoyer, d'organisation et de solidarité.  

  Engagement solidaire avec les membres

  Dans le cadre de notre stratégie révisée, notre principal objectif a été de construire un contre-pouvoir et de renforcer la solidarité entre les membres de CIVICUS. Notre équipe chargée des membres et des réseaux est responsable de la création d'opportunités pour renforcer les capacités et faciliter un engagement plus profond entre les membres travaillant sur des questions similaires ou partageant des défis similaires. Nous sommes heureux d'avoir soutenu la participation de nos membres à la COP28 et au Camp pour la justice climatique. Notre initiative We RISE, menée par certains de nos membres, soutient 20 organisations qui organisent des campagnes locales pour lutter contre les menaces qui pèsent sur la liberté de réunion pacifique. 

  L'organisation HuMENA pour les droits humains et l'engagement civique, membre de CIVICUS, déclare : « La campagne We RISE a marqué un tournant pour nous, en définissant une nouvelle trajectoire pour nos projets futurs. Elle a non seulement remodelé nos stratégies internes, mais a également favorisé une évaluation régionale plus large parmi nos partenaires concernant la pertinence de la liberté de réunion pacifique. Cette campagne redéfinira notre objectif opérationnel et notre impact pour les années à venir, marquant le changement le plus profond dans l'histoire de notre organisation.

  Vous trouverez ci-dessous un des nombreux exemples de la manière dont nos membres promeuvent le droit de réunion pacifique. La vidéo de la campagne We RISE de SALAM DHR met en lumière le cadre juridique du droit de manifester pacifiquement au Bahreïn.

  

  La recherche et l'analyse de CIVICUS servent à faire avancer le discours et le débat publics sur l'espace civique et démocratique

  En cette période de conflits, de crises et dans un contexte de difficultés croissantes à l'échelle mondiale, nos recherches et nos analyses demeurent un pilier constant, soulignant les menaces qui pèsent sur les libertés civiques et identifiant les tendances de l'action de la société civile. Nous sommes heureux de constater que nos principales publications, Le pouvoir du peuple sous attaque et les rapports sur l'état de la société civile, sont de plus en plus diffusées et font l'objet d'un plus grand nombre de renvois. Rien qu'entre janvier et avril de cette année, les recherches et analyses de CIVICUS ont été mentionnées par les médias dans 90 pays et dans 31 langues. 

  Suite à la publication du rapport Le pouvoir du peuple sous attaque en décembre 2023, une organisation étudiante de l'université de Coblence a organisé un événement intitulé « Journée contre la répression » pour discuter des implications de la répression sur l'activisme climatique et la démocratie en Allemagne.   

  En février 2024, le CIVICUS Monitor a également publié un rapport de données historiques mondiales, Rights Reversed, identifiant sept tendances clés dans l'espace civique de 2019 à 2023. J'ai eu l'occasion de présenter cette analyse lors de la conférence Norad de cette année sur le thème « Droits et résilience ». J'ai profité de cette occasion pour souligner l'importance de la solidarité internationale pour faire avancer la justice climatique, les mouvements LGBTIQA+ et les mouvements de femmes. Vous pouvez visionner l'intégralité du discours ci-dessous.

  Notre rapport surl'état de la société civile arécemmentsuscitél'intérêt desmédias du mondeentier :

  • The Jurist- acouvert lerapport surl'état de lasociétécivile 2024. 
  • Climate Home News - acité lerapport surl'état de lasociétécivile 2024.
  • Al Jazeera - acité laliste desurveillance de CIVICUS Monitor 
  • The Guardian - a cité la rétrogradation du Bangladesh par le Monitor, qui l'a classé parmi les pays « fermés ».

  La voix et les besoins de la société civile sont amplifiés dans les processus et mécanismes de l'ONU

  Au cours de l'année écoulée, nos sièges de Genève et de New York ont joué un rôle clé dans l'amplification des voix de la société civile aux Nations unies. Genève a considérablement augmenté son soutien aux défenseurs des droits humains et aux activistes, en facilitant leurs déclarations au Conseil des droits de l'homme (CDH) et leur participation au processus de l'Examen périodique universel (EPU). Les membres et partenaires de CIVICUS ont fait 51% de nos déclarations au CDH, contre 25% en 2022.  En outre, nous avons soutenu la participation de la société civile de base au processus de l'EPU, en offrant une plateforme aux personnes les plus proches des problèmes pour partager des recommandations tangibles afin d'améliorer les droits humains dans leur pays. Ces interventions sont complétées par des missions de plaidoyer et des événements parallèles aux processus de Genève afin de faciliter un dialogue continu pour renouveler les engagements.   

  À New York, nous avons également soutenu des consultations visant à relancer les appels à une participation significative de la société civile à l'ONU. La campagne mondiale #UNMute bénéficie désormais du soutien de 460 partenaires et de 60 États membres, avec des recommandations clés pour renforcer la voix de la société civile à l'ONU. En amont de la Conférence du Sommet du Futur, notre conseillère auprès de l'ONU Jesselina Ranaa mis engarde contre la façon dont la Conférence du Sommet du Futur de Nairobi pourrait marginaliser davantage la société civile, et Mandeep Tiwana, notre responsable des données et de l'engagementasouligné les recommandations clés de la campagne, telles que la nomination d'un envoyé de la société civile. 

  La société civile a joué un rôle déterminant dans l'adoption de résolutions pacifiques à l'ONU. Suite à la 53ème session du CDH, CIVICUS a particulièrement salué l'adoption de la résolution sur l'espace de la société civile, qui reconnaît le rôle positif de la participation de la société civile dans les mécanismes de l'ONU. La résolution appelle en outre le Commissaire aux droits de l'homme à entreprendre un vaste processus de consultation pour évaluer régulièrement les tendances de l'espace civique, ce qui pourrait conduire, à long terme, à l'élaboration d'indicateurs et de critères de référence. Cela n'aurait pas pu se faire sans la société civile.   

  Ces cas n'ont fait que renforcer notre conviction que notre travail avec et pour les groupes affectés par l'effet combiné des restrictions de l'espace civique et des formes structurelles de discrimination conduira à un changement systémique à long terme. Alors que nous avançons sur cette voie, nous restons déterminés à donner la priorité à l'effort collectif et à l'apprentissage, et à donner à nos membres et à nos partenaires les moyens d'obtenir des changements aux niveaux local et régional. Ensemble, nous avons le pouvoir de construire un monde où les libertés civiques prospèrent.  

  En toute solidarité,  

  Lysa John (LinkedIn)