military junta

• As resistance grows against the Myanmar military, the Council must ensure accountability for violations

  Statement at the 49th Session of the UN Human Rights Council

  Item 4: Interactive Debate on the High Commissioner’s report on Myanmar

  Delivered byLisa Majumdar

  Thank you Mr President, and Madame High Commissioner.

  In Myanmar, a human rights catastrophe is compounded by a humanitarian emergency.

  For the past year, civil servants mobilised alongside students and the workers’ movement to resist the military’s attempt to seize control. In response, the Myanmar security forces intensified their crackdown on protests, escalating to battlefield weapons against protesters, killing nearly fifteen hundred people.

  Resistance against the military continues to grow and unify within Myanmar, despite the great risk. At this critical point, we call for the immediate recognition of the National Unity Government as the legitimate government of Myanmar.

  Over 9,000 are currently in arbitrary detention. They include human rights defenders, lawyers, trade unionists, activists and monks. Some were taken in terrifying night-time raids. Others were abducted off the streets, held in secret facilities and denied access to lawyers. We call on Myanmar to immediately release all those arbitrarily detained.

  Internet shutdowns and willful restrictions to humanitarian aid prevent much-needed supplies from reaching those in dire need. ASEAN’s efforts to halt the grave violations have failed.

  The ongoing impunity for serious crimes despite clear evidence is a travesty. We welcome particularly the High Commissioner’s recommendation to support the referral of the situation to the International Criminal Court, by the UN Security Council or by duly recognised national authorities, and we urge the Council to seriously consider further steps towards accountability.

  As immediate steps towards protecting those on the ground, the junta must be deprived of resources and arms. To this end, we urge States to follow the recommendations of the High Commissioner to take immediate action to prevent arms flows to the Myanmar military, and apply other targeted sanctions on military economic interests as appropriate; and to encourage businesses that maintain connections with Myanmar military owned or affiliates to cease their operation.

  To the High Commissioner, what are the further measures the Council must take to ensure that accountability and justice can be achieved?

  ---

    Civic space in Myanmar is rated as repressed by the CIVICUS Monitor 

• ASEAN: Refrain from legitimising junta and enhance cooperation to address human rights situation in Myanmar

  Civil society organisations urge the regional-bloc under Cambodia Chairship to halt further measures that will bring legitimacy to the junta military of Myanmar.

  ---

  We, the undersigned, express deep concern over the planned visit of Prime Minister Hun Sen, on behalf of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), to Myanmar to meet with the junta representative, General Min Aung Hlaing. The visit is scheduled for 7 January 2022. We call on the ASEAN to refrain from further actions that will legitimise the junta and effectively implement the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus in alignment with the call made by the international community.

• Bolder measures must be taken to force the junta out of power

  Statement at the 51st Session of the UN Human Rights Council

  Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar

  Delivered by Kyaw Win

  The Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN) and CIVICUS welcome the findings of the High Commissioner’s report on the progress made and remaining challenges regarding the recommendations of the independent international fact-finding mission on Myanmar. While cutting the junta’s access to revenue and arms supplies are urgent and essential measures that must be taken by all State Parties, we urge the international community to pursue bolder measures to force the military junta out of power.  

  The international response to the attempted coup has so far proceeded in a slow and fragmented manner with junta-perpetrated violence including against peaceful protestors and humanitarian needs in Burma continuing to escalate. During the first half of 2022, the junta was reported to commit more incidents of violence against civilians than any other ‘state’ armed force globally.1 The human rights situation of the Rohingya and Muslim minorities has continued to deteriorate, with these groups facing tightened restrictions on their fundamental freedoms and increasingly at risk of being subjected to further atrocity crimes.  

  The longer the international community waits to act, the more emboldened the junta will become as it escalates its crimes against humanity and war crimes. In addition to the High Commissioner’s recommendations, BHRN and CIVICUS call on governments worldwide to: 

  • Sharply increase engagement with the National Unity Government (NUG) and other key actors who are active against the junta, including ethnic resistance actors and leaders of the civil disobedience movement. 

  • Redouble efforts to pursue international legal action against the junta, including by joining the Gambia’s case at the International Court of Justice and by actively pursuing investigations and prosecutions under the principle of universal jurisdiction.  

  Additionally, BHRN calls on: 

  • ASEAN to coordinate with the UN to ensure strong action against the junta’s abuses. 

  • The UN General Assembly to adopt a resolution making clear that the NUG is the only government that member states and the UN should engage with. 

  • The UN Security Council to end its inaction and refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court or establish a separate criminal tribunal to investigate and prosecute the full spectrum of atrocity crimes in Myanmar.  

  ---

   Civic space in Myanmar is rated as "Repressed" by the CIVICUS Monitor

• BURKINA FASO: ‘Pro-democracy civil society is practically paralysed by the intensity and ferocity of the repression’

  

  CIVICUS speaks with Ousmane Miphal Lankoandé, Executive Secretary and Coordinator of the governance and citizen mobilisation programme at Balai Citoyen (‘Civic Broom’) about human rights and civic space in Burkina Faso.

  Founded in 2013, Balai Citoyen is a civil society organisation (CSO) that mobilises citizen action to promote democracy, government integrity, justice and the rule of law in Burkina Faso.

  How have human rights and civic freedoms deteriorated under Burkina Faso’s military junta?

  Since the rise of the military to power in January 2022, there has been a clear deterioration in human rights and civic freedoms, a phenomenon that became even more marked following the second coup in September 2022. Any voice of dissent from the official line of the military regime is systematically repressed.

  To achieve this, the regime gradually introduced insidious measures. Initially, it suspended the activities of political parties, even after it restored the constitution following a temporary suspension. In addition, some international media have been banned from broadcasting and some national media have been suspended. Journalists and activists are subjected to intimidation and threats, and some have been kidnapped. The fate of several, including two Balai Citoyen activists, remains unknown to this day.

• Call on INTERPOL to ban the illegal junta from representing Myanmar at its General Assembly

  To: Kim Jong Yang, INTERPOL President; Jürgen Stock, INTERPOL General Secretary; the INTERPOL Executive Committee and INTERPOL Member Countries

  Dear INTERPOL President Kim Jong Yang, INTERPOL Vice Presidents Benyamina Abbad and Šárka Havránková,INTERPOL General Secretary Jürgen Stock, INTERPOL Executive Committee Delegates Khaled Jameel Al Materyeen, Ahmed Nasser Al-Raisi, Jean-Jacques Colombi, Rogerio Galloro, Robert Guirao Bailén, Destino Pedro, Olushola Kamar Subair, Jannine Van den Berg, and Member Countries.

  We, the undersigned 259 organizations, call on INTERPOL to immediately ban the Myanmar military junta from representing Myanmar as a member of INTERPOL. We demand you ensure that the military junta is excluded from the upcoming 89^th INTERPOL General Assembly and all benefits and future cooperation that membership entails.

  According to media reports, the Myanmar military junta’s police force is currently representing Myanmar in INTERPOL and its members, led by the Head of Police and Deputy Home Affairs Minister Lieutenant-General Than Hlaing, will act as delegates for the Myanmar government at the INTERPOL General Assembly. This is a matter of grave concern to us and raises serious credibility issues for INTERPOL itself for the following reasons:

  1. The military junta does not represent the government of Myanmar. The international community has refused to recognise the military junta as the legitimate government of Myanmar and has prevented members of the military junta from participating in international forums including the UN General Assembly, the UN Climate Change Conference (COP26) and the ASEAN Summit.
  2. The attempted coup on 1 February 2021, under the leadership of Senior General Min Aung Hlaing by violent means violated the Myanmar Constitution, international law and the principle of rule of law.
  3. The head of the UN Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar recently stated that since the attempted coup the Myanmar military junta’s widespread and systematic attack on the civilian population amounts to crimes against humanity.
  4. The Special Advisory Council for Myanmar, composed of international experts including former members of the UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar and a former Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, has recently argued that, in addition to crimes against humanity, the Myanmar military is engaging in terrorism and should be classified as a terrorist organization.
  5. Lt. General Than Hlaing, as the junta’s Deputy Minister of Home Affairs and Chief of Police, is directly responsible for decision making concerning repressive policies and violent actions committed by police against peaceful demonstrators and is therefore responsible for serious human rights violations in Myanmar/Burma.
  6. For this and other reasons, Lt. General Than Hlaing has been placed by the European Union under a travel ban and asset freeze as of 3 March 2021.
  7. Targeted sanctions against Lt. General Than Hlaing also remain in place by the US, UK, and Canada (overview with links here).
  8. Lt General Than Hlaing has been appointed to lead operations in Chin State. Escalating military attacks against civilians there and in Sagaing and Magwe Regions have caused rights groups to draw similarities to “clearance operations” used to violently oppress the ethnic Rohingya population – now at issue in the International Criminal Court and International Court of Justice

  INTERPOL’s vision is to connect police for a “safer world” and to support security for the world’s citizens. The people of Myanmar are in dire need of safety and security. The single biggest threat to their security is the Myanmar military junta, who is attempting to represent Myanmar in INTERPOL and use the General Assembly as a platform for political gain and international legitimacy. This will embolden the Myanmar military to continue to commit international crimes with blanket impunity.

  We note that countering the threat of terrorism is the first of INTERPOL’s seven Global Policing Goals, and INTERPOL has a responsibility to counter and disrupt terrorism wherever it occurs, including in Myanmar.

  We draw your attention to condemnation by the UN Security Council regarding the junta following the February 2021 coup, including a November 2021 statement by the Council’s President Juan Ramón de la Fuente Ramírez citing “deep concern at further recent violence across Myanmar”.

  We note that upholding human rights is central to INTERPOL’s mandate. We implore you to meet the commitment to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights stated in Article 2 of the Constitution of the ICPO-INTERPOL. Recognizing the Myanmar military junta, responsible for systemic and grave human rights violations would be a clear violation of this article.

  We appeal to you to adhere to INTERPOL’s commitment to political neutrality stated in Article 3 of the INTERPOL Constitution. Awarding an unlawful military junta that lacks domestic and international recognition with legitimacy would violate this article, and amount to a partisan intervention that would embolden the military to continue to commit international crimes with total impunity.

  Instead of legitimizing the military junta through INTERPOL membership, we appeal to you to uphold international law by supporting the ongoing investigation at the International Criminal Court concerning crimes of genocide against the Rohingya, and future investigations, to bring all perpetrators of Myanmar atrocities to account. The Myanmar military must be recognized as a terrorist organization, not recognized as representatives of the Myanmar people who are the very victims of the junta’s daily barrage of violence that INTERPOL aims to protect.

  We therefore call on INTERPOL to:

  • Ban the Myanmar military junta from INTERPOL, including the 89^th General Assembly.
  • Support efforts to bring Senior Gen Min Aung Hlaing, Lt Gen Than Hlaing and all other perpetrators of atrocity crimes to justice by identifying and arresting suspects.
  • Take all measures available to prevent the Myanmar military junta’s continued acts of terrorism by disrupting terrorism movement and tracing and disrupting their international revenue and arms supply networks.

  At this fragile and crucial time in Myanmar, INTERPOL and their member countries must act in the interests of the safety and security of Myanmar people, victims and survivors of crime and in accordance with international law and norms.
  
  -----

  For more information, please contact:
  
  Khin Ohmar, Progressive Voice,

  Veronica Pedrosa, ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights,

  Annie Boyajian, Freedom House,

  Signed by:

  1. 8888 Generation (New Zealand)
  2. Action Committee for Democracy Development
  3. Activists Group for Human Rights ‘BARAM’
  4. Albany Karen Community, Albany
  5. All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress
  6. All Burma Democratic Face in New Zealand
  7. ALL FOR LITTLE ONE
  8. Alliance for Gender Inclusion in Peace Process (AGIPP)
  9. Alternative Solutions for Rural Communities (ASORCOM)
  10. ALTSEAN-Burma
  11. Arizona Kachin Community
  12. ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights – APHR
  13. Asia Pacific Solidarity Coalition (APSOC)
  14. Asian Dignity Initiative
  15. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners
  16. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters
  17. Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization
  18. Auckland Kachin Community NZ
  19. Auckland Zomi Community
  20. B-Farm
  21. Blood Money Campaign
  22. Boat People SOS
  23. Burma Action Ireland
  24. Burma Campaign UK
  25. Burma Human Rights Network
  26. Burma Rohingya Organisation UK
  27. Burmese Relief Center - Japan
  28. Burmese Rohingya Welfare Organisation New Zealand
  29. Burmese Women’s Union
  30. Calgary Karen Community Association (CKCA)
  31. California Kachin Community
  32. Campaign for a New Myanmar
  33. Center for Alliance of Labor and Human Rights Committee (CENTRAL)
  34. Chin Community of Auckland
  35. CHRF
  36. Christian Solidarity Worldwide
  37. Citizen of Burma Award-New Zealand
  38. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
  39. Coalition to Abolish Modern-day Slavery in Asia (CAMSA)
  40. Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia (COMFREL)
  41. Committee for Religions Freedom in Vietnam
  42. COVIL
  43. CRPH & NUG Supporters Austria
  44. CRPH & NUG Supporters Ireland
  45. CRPH Funding Ireland
  46. Dallas Kachin Community
  47. DANA
  48. Decency & Clarity
  49. DEEKU-Karenni Community of Amarillo, TX
  50. Democracy for Myanmar - Working Group (NZ)
  51. Democracy, Peace and Women’s Organization – DPW
  52. DONEUIDONG
  53. Dongjadong Sarangbang
  54. Edmonton Karen Community Youth Organization
  55. Education Community Woorijari Social Cooperation
  56. Equality Myanmar
  57. European Karen Network
  58. Federal Myanmar Benevolence Group (NZ)
  59. Federation of General Workers Myanmar
  60. Federation of Workers' Union of the Burmese Citizen in Japan
  61. Freedom House
  62. Future Light Center
  63. Future Thanlwin
  64. Gangbuk Housing Welfare Center
  65. Gender and Development for Cambodia (GADC)
  66. Gender Equality Network
  67. Georgia Kachin Community
  68. Global Movement for Myanmar Democracy (GM4MD)
  69. Global Myanmar Spring Revolution
  70. Gwangju Asia sisterhood
  71. Gyeonggi Association of Self-Sufficiency Promotion Center
  72. HANBARAGI
  73. Houston Kachin Community
  74. Human Rights Foundation of Monland
  75. Incorporated Organization Shilcheon Bulgyo
  76. Independent Trade Union Federation (INTUFE)
  77. Info Birmanie
  78. Initiatives for International Dialogue
  79. International Campaign for the Rohingya
  80. International Child Rights Center
  81. International Karen Organisation
  82. International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC)
  83. Iowa Kachin Community
  84. Jangsuwon
  85. JCMK
  86. JPIC of Sisters of Charity of Seton Hill
  87. Junta Denouncing Committee Korea
  88. Justice For Myanmar
  89. Kachin American Community (Portland – Vancouver)
  90. Kachin Community of Indiana
  91. Kachin Community of USA
  92. Kachin Gender Star Group
  93. Kachin Women’s Association Thailand
  94. Kaesong Tourism Center
  95. Kansas Karenni community, KS
  96. Karen American Association of Milwaukee, WI
  97. Karen Association of Huron, SD
  98. Karen Community of Akron, OH
  99. Karen Community of Canada (KCC)
  100. Karen Community of Czech Republic
  101. Karen Community of Finland
  102. Karen Community of Hamilton
  103. Karen Community of Iowa, IA
  104. Karen Community of Ireland
  105. Karen Community of Israel
  106. Karen Community of Kansas City
  107. Karen Community of Kitchener & Waterloo
  108. Karen Community of Leamington K
  109. Karen Community of Lethbridge
  110. Karen Community of London
  111. Karen Community of Minnesota, MN
  112. Karen Community of North Carolina
  113. Karen Community of Ottawa
  114. Karen Community of Regina
  115. Karen Community of Saskatoon
  116. Karen Community of Thunderbay
  117. Karen Community of Toronto
  118. Karen Community of Windsor
  119. Karen Community of Winnipeg
  120. Karen Community Society of British Columbia (KCSBC)
  121. Karen Human Rights Group
  122. Karen Organization of America
  123. Karen Organization of Illinois, IL
  124. Karen Thai Group
  125. Karen Women’s Organization
  126. Karen Youth Education Pathways
  127. Karen Youth Networks
  128. Karen Youth of Norway
  129. Karen Youth of Toronto
  130. Karen Youth Organization
  131. Karenni Civil Society Network
  132. Karenni Community of Arizona, AZ
  133. Karenni Community of Arkensas, AK
  134. Karenni Community of Austin, TX
  135. Karenni Community of Bowling Green, KY
  136. Karenni Community of Buffalo, NY
  137. Karenni Community of Chicago, IL
  138. Karenni Community of Colorado, CO
  139. Karenni Community of Dallas, TX
  140. Karenni community of Des Moines, IA
  141. Karenni Community of Florida, FL
  142. Karenni Community of Fort Worth, TX
  143. Karenni Community of Georgia, GA
  144. Karenni Community of Houston, TX
  145. Karenni Community of Idaho, ID
  146. Karenni Community of Indianapolis, IN
  147. Karenni Community of Massachusetts, MA
  148. Karenni Community of Michigan, MI
  149. Karenni Community of Minnesota, MN
  150. Karenni Community of Missouri, MO
  151. Karenni Community of North Carolina, NC
  152. Karenni Community of Portland, OR
  153. Karenni Community of Rockford, IL
  154. Karenni Community of San Antonio, TX
  155. Karenni Community of Sioux Falls, SD
  156. Karenni Community of Utah, UT
  157. Karenni Community of Utica, NY
  158. Karenni Community of Washington, WA
  159. Karenni Community of Wisconsin, WI
  160. Karenni Human Rights Group
  161. Karenni National Women’s Organization
  162. Karenni Society New Zealand
  163. Karenni Society of Omaha, NE
  164. Karenni-American Association
  165. Keng Tung Youth
  166. Kentucky Kachin Community
  167. Kijamii Table
  168. Kim Wan Sik (MR)
  169. Korea Christian Solidarity for Democracy and Human Rights in Myanmar
  170. Korea Karen Organization
  171. Korea Karen Youth Organization
  172. Korea Women's Associations United (KWAU)
  173. Korean House for International Solidarity
  174. Korean Solidarity for Overseas Community Organization
  175. Let’s Help Each Other
  176. Louisiana Kachin Community
  177. Maryland Kachin Community
  178. May18 Seoul Memorial Society
  179. Metta Campaign Mandalay
  180. Michigan Kachin Community
  181. Migrant Health Association in Korea WeFriends
  182. Milk Tea Alliance (Friend For Myanmar)
  183. MINBYUN - Lawyers for a Democratic Society International Solidarity Committee
  184. Minnesota Kachin Community
  185. Myanmar Accountability Project
  186. MYANMAR Action Supporters
  187. Myanmar Community Austria
  188. Myanmar Democratic Force (Denmark)
  189. Myanmar Engineers - New Zealand
  190. Myanmar Family Community in Ireland
  191. Myanmar Gonye (New Zealand)
  192. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State)
  193. Myanmar Students Organization
  194. Myanmar Students' Union in New Zealand
  195. National Clergy Conference for Justice and Peace
  196. NeT Organization
  197. Network for Advocacy Action
  198. Network for Human Rights Documentation Burma (ND-Burma)
  199. Neutinamu
  200. New Bodhisattva Network
  201. New York Kachin Community
  202. New Zealand Doctors for NUG
  203. New Zealand Karen Association
  204. New Zealand Zo Community Inc.
  205. No Business With Genocide
  206. North Carolina Kachin Community
  207. NUG & CRPH Supporter Denmark
  208. Nyan Lynn Thit Analytica
  209. Olive Organization
  210. Omaha Kachin Community
  211. Organization of Social Welfare Service Bokumjari
  212. Oversea Karen Organization Japan
  213. Overseas Mon Association. New Zealand
  214. Pa-O Youth Organization
  215. Pennsylvania Kachin Community
  216. People’s Initiatives for Development Alternatives
  217. People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (PSPD)
  218. Progressive 3.0
  219. Progressive Korea
  220. Progressive Voice
  221. Pyeongchang
  222. Pyithu Gonye (New Zealand)
  223. RCSD/FSS Chiang Mai University
  224. Rvwang Community Association New Zealand
  225. SAMYANG CITIZENS NETWORK
  226. SARANGBANG Group for Human Rights
  227. Save and Care Organization for Ethnic Women at Border Areas
  228. Save Myanmar Fundraising Group (New Zealand)
  229. Shan Community (New Zealand)
  230. Shan MATA
  231. Sisters 2 Sisters
  232. Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation
  233. Social Action for Community and Development (SACD)
  234. Solidarity for Another World
  235. South Carolina Kachin Community
  236. Support Group for Democracy in Myanmar (Netherlands)
  237. Supporters group for migrant workers in Korea
  238. Suwon Migrants Center
  239. Swedish Burma Committee
  240. Synergy – Social Harmony Organization
  241. Ta’ang Women’s Organization
  242. Ta'ang Legal Aid
  243. Tanintharyi Women Network
  244. Tennessee Kachin Community
  245. The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
  246. The People Center for Development and Peace (PDP-Center)
  247. Tongirinreoygeo
  248. Union of Karenni State Youth
  249. US Campaign for Burma
  250. Utica Karen Community, NY
  251. Virginia Kachin Community
  252. Washington Kachin Community
  253. West Virginia Kachin Community
  254. With Gilbut Welfare Foundation
  255. Women Advocacy Coalition – Myanmar (WAC-M)
  256. Women’s League of Burma
  257. Women’s Peace Network
  258. Youth of Kim Dae-jung Foundation
  259. Youth Resource Development Program (YRDP)

  Civic space in Myanmar is rated as repressed by the CIVICUS Monitor

• Five years since genocide, the world must act to ensure justice for Rohingya

  In marking the five-year commemoration of the genocide committed against the Rohingya in 2017, 384 civil society organisations reaffirm our commitment to continue to stand in solidarity with and seek justice for the Rohingya, to ensure the full restoration of their rights in Myanmar, and to end the impunity of the Myanmar military. The plight of the Rohingya must not be forgotten.

• Human Rights Council adopts resolution on Myanmar to maintain critical scrutiny on the country

  CVICUS welcomes the resolution on Myanmar adopted by consensus at the Human Rights Council’s 49th Session. The resolution extends the mandate of the Special Rapporteur for a further year and maintains monitoring and reporting from the High Commissioner, with a focus on accountability.

  The resolution further reiterated the Council’s ‘full support for the people of Myanmar and their aspirations for democracy and civilian government’. To this end, and as a first step, CIVICUS calls for the immediate recognition of the National Unity Government as the legitimate government of Myanmar.

  ‘As the military junta gets ever more brutal in its attempts to seize control, enhanced scrutiny on the country remains vital,’ said Cornelius Hanung, Advocacy and Campaigns Officer for Asia. ‘The resolution reiterates how dangerous Myanmar’s military is to its people, particularly those who dare to speak out.’

  The resolution also raises serious concerns about violence against and arbitrary detention of journalists and media workers, human rights defenders, casualty recorders, lawyers, environmental and land rights activists, health and humanitarian workers and other civilians, and condemns the disproportionate use of force against peaceful protesters. 

  Over 9,000 individuals are currently in arbitrary detention in Myanmar. Some were taken in terrifying night-time raids. Others were abducted off the streets, held in secret facilities, and denied access to lawyers. CIVICUS calls on the military junta to immediately release all those arbitrarily detained. Around 1,700 people have been killed by Myanmar’s military in the context of demonstrations against the coup since last year. 

  ASEAN has, to date, failed to address any of these violations; implementation of its five-point consensus peace agreement reached last year to address the crisis has stalled. The resolution called on States to cease the ‘illicit’ transfer of arms to Myanmar but fell short of calling for the full suspension of arms to the military junta. 

  ‘For the last year, we have seen sustained and violent attacks against those fighting for democracy in Myanmar,’ said Cornelius Hanung. ‘We call on the international community to take immediate steps to protect those on the ground, including by imposing an arms embargo on the weapons used indiscriminately against the Myanmar people.’

  This resolution is a step towards preventing further violations, but accountability for past and ongoing violations in Myanmar is still remote. We urge all member and observer states of the Council to support the referral of the situation to the International Criminal Court, as recommended by the High Commissioner.

  Read our statement to the Council here.

  ---

  Civic space in Myanmar is rated as repressed by the CIVICUS Monitor.

• Letter to the UN Secretary-General on UN agencies engagement with the Myanmar junta

  Re: UN agencies, funds, programmes and other entities engagement with the military junta

  UN entities must stop legitimizing the Myanmar military junta and instead present letters of appointment, sign letters of agreement and MoUs with the legitimate government of Myanmar, the National Unity Government, and ethnic revolutionary organizations

  Your Excellency,

  We, the undersigned 638 civil society organizations (CSOs), condemn in the strongest terms the recent public signing of new agreements and presenting of letters of appointment to the illegitimate Myanmar military junta by UN agencies, funds, programmes and other entities working inside Myanmar. We urge you to intervene for a principled, coordinated UN response to the crisis in Myanmar. We call on you and all UN entities to immediately cease all forms of cooperation and engagement that lends legitimacy to the illegal murderous junta. Instead, letters of appointment and agreements must be presented to the legitimate government of Myanmar, the National Unity Government (NUG), and ethnic revolutionary organizations (EROs).

  On 10 December 2021, 256 Myanmar CSOs urged UN entities to not engage with the junta in any way that lends them legitimacy. Despite these consistent calls from the people of Myanmar and CSOs, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), UN International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF), UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and UN International Organization for Migration (IOM) all signed new agreements with and presented credentials to the junta in August and September 2022. The public ceremonies, which were arranged with photographs, were used as propaganda by the military junta in its ongoing attempts to assert their legitimacy. The people of Myanmar have categorically rejected its attempts to seize power since its illegal attempted coup on 1 February 2021.

  For nearly a year and a half, the people of Myanmar have sacrificed their lives and livelihoods to defend democracy and their rights by engaging in political defiance and armed resistance – as a last resort. Their aim is to prevent the illegal military junta from taking over the country, as it is attempting to do through inflicting immense suffering on the people.

  The recent public actions by UN entities are direct interventions that clearly side with the military junta, undercutting the ongoing collective resistance efforts and sacrifices by the Myanmar people to end the Myanmar military’s tyranny and establish a federal democracy. This breaches the principles of democracy, human rights and humanitarian principles of impartiality, neutrality, independence and “do no harm” outlined in the UNs’ Joint Operating Standards and frame work of engagement, for which UN entities must comply with and hold themselves accountable.

  Furthermore, in December 2021, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution to endorse the recommendations of the UN Credential Committee that had rejected the credentials of the military junta and allowed the incumbent Ambassador, U Kyaw Moe Tun, who represents the National Unity Government (NUG) and thus represents Myanmar, to maintain his position at the UN General Assembly. UN entities, and agencies, funds and programmes in Myanmar should be guided by this decision and should be engaging publicly with the NUG and not the military junta.

  READ THE FULL LETTER

• Myanmar: Execution of four democracy activists highlights junta’s brutality

  We, the undersigned, strongly condemn the execution carried out by the military junta against four pro-democracy activists in Myanmar. We call on the international community, including ASEAN states, to publicly denounce these grave violations committed by the junta and to hold them accountable for their crimes.

• Myanmar: Hold the junta accountable

  Human Rights Defenders call on ASEAN and the international community to hold the junta accountable for grave human rights violations and atrocity crimes in Myanmar.

• NIGER: ‘France and the USA have displayed imperial attitudes towards poor countries in Africa’

  CIVICUS speaks about Niger’s recent decision to suspend military cooperation with the USA with Dr Boubacar N’Diaye, Emeritus Professor of Pan-African Studies and Political Science at the College of Wooster, international consultant on security sector governance and former chair of the African Security Sector Network, a pan-African think tank focused on security governance issues in the continent, and particularly in West Africa.

  How would you describe Niger’s security situation?

  Niger is located in a very strategic position in the continent – it’s at the heart of West Africa and the Sahel, and shares borders with Algeria, Benin, Burkina Faso, Chad, Libya, Mali and Nigeria. This makes it an ideal location for geopolitical powers to have a presence.

  Until recently, Niger was a key security partner of France and the USA. There were French troops in the country, and in 2012, the government signed an agreement with the USA to establish a drone base to conduct surveillance and military operations against terrorism. Between 1,000 to 1,500 US soldiers were deployed under this agreement.

  But despite promises to assist Niger in fighting terrorism, little was done in this regard. Instead, the USA utilised this alliance to carry out surveillance operations in the region in support of its global geopolitical strategy.

  On 26 July 2023, Niger experienced a military coup against President Mohamed Bazoum, with the junta claiming the president’s response to the dire security situation was inadequate. The country has confronted terrorist attacks on military and civilians for quite some time. Yet the crisis extends beyond security to encompass political and social dimensions.

  Following the coup, the junta demanded France and its soldiers leave the country. France and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) imposed sanctions on Niger, resulting in power cuts and border closures. No goods or medical supplies were allowed in or out across ECOWAS borders, while terrorist attacks persisted, claiming the lives of Nigerien military personnel. Sanctions were subsequently lifted, but the crisis persisted.

  Why did Niger suspend military cooperation with the USA?

  While France maintained a firm stance against military coups in the region, the USA took a more conciliatory approach. For that, one would have expected General Abdourahamane Tchiani, the junta’s leader, to be more accommodating with the USA.

  While the military leaders were quite grateful for this, they were also irked by the arrival of a US delegation of high-ranking State Department officials who, with a typical imperial attitude, lectured them on democracy and demanded they cut all links with the Russian government. They also accused them of having secret deals with Iran to sell uranium.

  The fact that the USA belittled and showed no respect to Niger led the military junta to revoke the 2012 agreement, which it highlighted was a secret document not endorsed by the public that granted the USA carte blanche to operate in Niger as they pleased.

  In requesting the USA lo leave the country, Niger asserted its rights as a free and sovereign nation. As such, Niger is free to make deals with whichever country it chooses, with neither the USA nor France having the authority to dictate any decision.

  This decision significantly affects the USA’s geostrategic position, as Niger is the only country in West Africa where it has a military presence. If compelled to withdraw entirely, the USA would lose its surveillance capabilities and ability to project power. If the USA wants to stay and seek a new agreement with the junta, it will need to tone down its demands. But if it keeps pressing Niger to cut ties with Russia, it is unlikely to be able to reach a deal.

  Do you see Niger’s decision as part of a broader regional trend?

  Over the past few years, people in other countries in the region, including Burkina Faso, Mali, Nigeria and Senegal, have shown a desire to reaffirm sovereignty and reject the influence of imperial powers.

  France, as the former colonial power and on behalf of the European Union (EU) and the west, has particularly had a lot of influence in the region. It has conducted military operations, done business and even imposed the CFA franc, the regional currency and a relic of French colonialism in Africa.

  France, and to a lesser extent the USA, have displayed imperial attitudes towards poor countries in Africa. They have completely disregarded their national sovereignty and ignored their need for dignity. They aim to dictate to their people the type of government they should have, the decisions they should make and who they should partner with. This imperial mentality must stop.

  The public, guided by a very active civil society, is happy to see France and the USA being told to leave. They are happy to see Niger behave as a sovereign country that rejects foreign influence, particularly when both countries have done little to nothing to help resolve the insecurity dilemma Niger has faced for a decade.

  How do you understand the growing power of Russia in this context?

  Russia, and to a lesser extent China, are the default partners in the region. Despite their substantial presence and technological capabilities, France, the USA and even the United Nations have not achieved the same level of success as Russia in nations such as the Central African Republic (CAR) or Mali. Russia has been able to stabilise the security situation in the CAR, at least to some extent, and recapture major strategic cities in Mali that have been under rebel control for the last 10 years.

  Countries in the region see an alternative in Russia. This is not rooted in a Cold War mentality but rather in Russia’s longstanding presence in the region, its support for many nations during the early years of independence and its demonstrated effectiveness in combating terrorism.

  What international support does Niger’s civil society need?

  Nigerien civil society needs the solidarity of civil society across the world. Civil society organisations have suffered a lot. Niger is one of the poorest countries in the world and has faced months of a severe embargo, sanctions, electricity cuts and medicine shortages. While these measures have been lifted, so has financial assistance from the EU and France, which has exacerbated socioeconomic hardships and security issues.

  The country hasn’t collapsed – as some had hoped – but is undergoing serious socioeconomic hardship and security challenges. The military coup is not to be applauded – it’s a clear sign of political failure. But considering the context, it can be understood. People have accepted that the military are in charge, and now they need all the help and solidarity they can receive.

  The international community should adopt a more empathetic stance towards Niger, supporting the country and its authorities. They should avoid punitive measures such as sanctions, which only harm the public, and refrain from imposing decisions and norms upon the nation.

  Instead, the international community should find a formula to help Nigerien authorities navigate through this complicated context and transition back to a constitutional order, with the active involvement of local civil society.

  ---

  Civic space in Niger is rated ‘repressed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.

  Get in touch with the African Security Sector Network through itswebsite orFacebook andLinkedIn pages, and follow@ASSN_Africa on Twitter.

  The opinions expressed in this interview are those of the interviewee and do not necessarily reflect the views of CIVICUS.