ASEAN

• ASEAN: ‘Laos’s leadership raises serious human rights concerns’

  CIVICUS speaks about the implications of Laos chairing the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) with Mary Aileen Diaz Bacalso, Executive Director of the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA).

  Founded in 1991, FORUM-ASIA is a network of 85 organisations across 23 countries, mainly in Asia. It works to strengthen movements for human rights and sustainable development through research, advocacy, capacity development and solidarity actions in Asia and beyond. It has consultative status with the United Nations and maintains a consultative relationship with the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights.

  What are the main challenges ASEAN will likely face in 2024?

  ASEAN is a regional alliance comprising of 10 Southeast Asian countries, plus Timor-Leste, which is on track to join. It was established in 1967 to preserve peace and stability in the Cold War era. Nowadays it oversees collaborative efforts on its three pillars of economic, socio-cultural and political and security matters. It is also meant to promote and safeguard human rights through a regional mechanism within the political-security pillar.

  With Laos as chair, ASEAN will face three significant challenges in 2024. The first is related to its reliance on consensus politics and non-interference, which means that progress depends on each member state’s unique circumstances. Political events such as elections in Indonesia, attempted coups in Myanmar and regressions in human rights and democracy in countries across the region, including in Cambodia, Laos, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand, obstruct advances in the protection and promotion of human rights and put the ability to achieve consensus to the test.

  The second challenge is the result of a notable lack of optimism and growing scepticism by human rights organisations about Laos’s role as chair. Laos’s reputation for human rights abuses and violations of fundamental freedoms raises doubts about its ability to lead ASEAN effectively in improving human rights protections.

  The third challenge is linked to external factors, particularly geopolitical tensions between China and the west, which will influence the regional bloc. These pressures may impact on economic, socio-cultural and political-security cooperation within ASEAN, adding another layer of complexity to the challenges the organisation will face in 2024.

  What does the fact that Laos is chairing ASEAN in 2024 mean for China’s standing and role in the region and globally?

  Laos continues to have the same voting power as other ASEAN members, but as chair, it has greater influence in shaping the organisation’s agenda. For instance, it has chosen ‘Enhancing Connectivity and Resilience’ as the theme for 2024 and has shown commitment to fostering connections with the East Asia bloc, including China. An official statement issued by the 2024 ASEAN Foreign Ministers Retreat emphasised the importance of enhancing ties between ASEAN and East Asian countries. It highlighted mechanisms such as the East Asia-ASEAN Summit, which includes the 10 ASEAN states plus China, Japan and South Korea.

  Two key concerns arise under Laos’s leadership, particularly regarding human rights. First, it’s uncertain how it will approach the Myanmar crisis, particularly due to the continued reliance on ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus as the primary reference, despite calls from civil society to move beyond this plan.

  Laos has designated a seasoned diplomat as the ASEAN Special Envoy, tasked with meeting junta leader Min Aung Hlaing in Myanmar. However, the lack of a clear agenda for engaging with supporters of democracy such as the National Unity Government, the National Unity Consultative Council and the Ethnic Revolutionary Organizations raises doubts that ASEAN is playing a progressive role. Given historical and political ties between the military junta and the government of Laos, concerns linger about ASEAN’s alignment with the interests of people in Myanmar.

  Second, the future of the human rights agenda is uncertain given Laos’s dubious human rights track record, which includes cases like the 2012 enforced disappearance of a prominent member of Laotian civil society, Sombath Somphone, and the deportation of the Chinese human rights lawyer Lu Siwei in October 2023. Plans have already been outlined for the 2024 ASEAN Human Rights Dialogue, but it is unclear whether civil society will be included or whether Laos will ensure a secure environment for it to take part.

  Another pending topic on the human rights agenda is the revision of the terms of reference of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights, which are supposed to be revised every five years but haven’t experienced any improvement in one and a half decades.

  Does Laos’s role as chair create any significant opportunity for Laotian civil society?

  We are quite sceptical about the potential impact of these changes in regional institutions on the domestic civil society landscape of a country with closed civic space.

  Laos systematically represses civil society activists and dissenters through a variety of legal and extra-legal measures, including surveillance, threats and violence. The decision to choose Timor-Leste over Laos as the host for the ASEAN Civil Society Conference/ASEAN Peoples’ Forum despite Laos holding the ASEAN chair underscores the apprehensions of civil society regarding safety within Laos.

  Given the principle of non-interference on which ASEAN is based, it remains an unresolved question whether other ASEAN countries will scrutinise Laos’s human rights track record.

  Nonetheless, from a civil society standpoint, this situation presents an opportunity to amplify efforts in advocating for justice and accountability for victims of human rights violations in Laos.

  FORUM-ASIA is steadfast in its commitment to monitor the human rights situation, document violations and hold the Laotian government, as well as all ASEAN governments, accountable for upholding their commitment to protect and promote human rights in accordance with international human rights standards.

  It is key to strengthen solidarity with Laos and leverage the momentum of Laos’s chairing of ASEAN. We urge the international community to participate in campaigns and advocacy initiatives. We must join forces to amplify the voices of the oppressed, shine the spotlight on Laos and the region and undertake collective action to address human rights concerns.

• ASEAN: ‘There is a lack of a consistent approach and political will to address the Myanmar crisis’

  CIVICUS speaks with Mary Aileen Diez-Bacalso, a globally recognised human rights advocate and the new Executive Director of the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA), on the state of civic space in the member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the regional body’s response to the human rights situation in Myanmar.

  In March 2023, Myanmar’s civic space was downgraded by theCIVICUS Monitor to the worst category, closed, in response to developments including the detention of thousands of activists and protesters, many of them convicted by secret military tribunals in unfair trials and given harsh sentences including thedeath penalty. Some have been tortured or killed. The ruling military junta has also systematically targeted journalists andforced civil society organisations (CSOs) to shut down and their leaders to go into hiding or flee the country. The junta has committed war crimes and possible crimes against humanity, including unlawful attacks, killing and injuring civilians through the use of extrajudicial executions, artillery shelling and banned landmines and cluster munitions.

  What is the state of civic freedoms in ASEAN member states?

  In recent years, there has been a discernible trend in ASEAN toward democratic regression and shrinking civic space.

  In Cambodia, as an election draws near, there is an ongoing assault on civic space and an increasingly violent campaign of repression and harassment against union activists, environmental campaigners, opposition politicians and media workers.

  In Myanmar, the path toward democracy, which began in 2011, was dismantled and civic space has closed. The junta’s nationwide crackdown has spread beyond cities into rural and ethnic minority areas, where resistance has grown. There is a climate of fear and insecurity, characterised by extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, torture, enforced disappearances, sexual violence and other atrocities amounting to crimes against humanity. But ASEAN leaders have been unable to respond uniformly, and the Five-Point Consensus (5PC) they reached in April 2021 has miserably failed to address Myanmar’s crisis.

  In Singapore, civil liberties are curbed through the prosecution of journalists, protesters and harassment of activists. Civil space has been further limited by repressive laws such as the 2019 Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act and the 2021 Foreign Interference (Countermeasures) Act, which include vague provisions that allow for executive discretion in interpretation and implementation.

  Overall, civic space in ASEAN countries has deteriorated. But in the midst of this darkness, the results of recent elections have cast a ray of hope that could have an impact at the regional level. Election results in Malaysia in November 2022 and Thailand in May 2023 have brought hope and a breath of fresh air after years of regression of fundamental freedoms. ASEAN’s youngest member state, Timor-Leste, is unique in that it has committed to consolidating democracy and held a free, fair and transparent election on 21 May 2023, allowing voters to cast their ballots peacefully, thus making their voices heard.

  As the current ASEAN chair, has Indonesia made any efforts to engage with civil society and protect human rights?

  Indonesia became ASEAN chair amid a lot of expectations regarding its potentials to address the Myanmar crisis, following the lack of progress under its two predecessors, Brunei Darussalam and Cambodia – and possibly on the assumption that no further progress will happen under its successor, Laos.

  Led by Indonesia, ASEAN managed to adopt several Leaders’ Declarations related to human rights, including one on combating trafficking in persons caused by the abuse of technology and one on the protection of migrant workers and family members in crisis situations, adopted at the 42nd ASEAN Summit in May 2023. These represented a crucial step toward protecting rights. However, questions of implementation and domestication have long plagued the ASEAN region.

  Progress made at the regional level is not necessarily reflected by domestic developments. For example, ahead of the 2023 ASEAN summit, held in Labuhan Bajo, the Indonesian police summoned two residents, Viktor Frumentius and Dominikus Safio, over a planned protest regarding compensation for houses and land clearing for a road project. The criminalisation attempt happened a few days after the police issued a warning letter for local people not to conduct actions that could ‘create incitement’ during the summit. This incident came on top of ongoing attacks on civil liberties in Indonesia.

  Regarding engagement with civil society, unfortunately the Indonesian government failed to respond to civil society’s request to conduct an interface meeting during the summit. Taken together, this and the attempted criminalisation of protesters reveal the government’s exclusionary approach to critical voices.

  Did the summit’s outcomes include any commitment on human rights?

  The summit’s outcome document highlighted the commitment to strengthen efforts to combat human trafficking and protect migrant workers. Human trafficking is indeed a serious and systemic violation of human rights in Southeast Asia, with the pandemic exacerbating the already precarious situation of marginalised people who might end up in hands of human traffickers.

  Regarding Myanmar, however, disappointment continues. On 11 May, despite expressing concerns over the continuing violence in Myanmar, specifically in light of the recent attack against a convoy carrying ASEAN diplomats in Myanmar on the eve of the summit, Indonesia released a statement that said that ‘the 5PC remains our main reference’. It basically ignored the calls from civil society groups and the wider international community to move beyond the 5PC.

  Unfortunately the issue of shrinking civic space was not discussed at the summit, which reveals continued neglect by ASEAN member states and a lack of consensus about the importance of the fact that civic space is deteriorating across the region.

  Has there been progress in strengthening the role of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR)?

  Since its inception, the AICHR has been criticised as nothing more than a front for ASEAN member states to comply with their duty to put human rights on the regional agenda. It is not surprising that ASEAN finds it difficult to promote human rights at the regional level, given that its membership includes several authoritarian regimes and illiberal democracies.

  Civil society groups have done what we could to strengthen the AICHR, leading to incremental progress in its institutional strength and its relations with civil society. In 2019, FORUM-ASIA and its partners called for a review of the AICHR’s Terms of Reference to make it more independent and give it a protection mandate, among other things. ASEAN foreign ministers agreed to this, but the process hasn’t kicked off. Still, other positive changes happened, such as the inclusion of civil society in various AICHR activities and growing opportunities for the AICHR to meet with civil society in a variety of settings.

  For example, recently and for the first time ever, FORUM-ASIA and other CSOs with AICHR consultative status were invited to meet with AICHR representatives at the 37th AICHR Meeting. The question remains whether this practice can be sustained and institutionalised. The AICHR has also recently demonstrated increased engagement with national human rights institutions, its natural national partners. This also needs to be maintained and strengthened.

  Additionally, the current AICHR mechanism for handling human rights complaints needs to be assessed for it to become more transparent and responsive to rapidly deteriorating civic space conditions. But because the issue of shrinking civic space has not been met with consensus among AICHR member states, progress has been minimal. However, FORUM-ASIA keeps engaging with the AICHR in the knowledge that it will take years of effort to build a mechanism that lives up to our aspiration of holding states accountable for human rights violations. We are willing to engage in discussions with the AICHR about how to strengthen its complaint mechanism to contribute to enforcing states’ human rights obligations at the national level.

  Why hasn’t there been any progress in implementing the 5PC to address the situation in Myanmar?

  The 5PC has failed due to the fact that ASEAN has engaged with the military junta – the perpetrator of grave human rights violations with no commitment whatsoever to human rights – rather than with the legitimate representatives of Myanmar’s people, the civilian National Unity Government (NUG).

  As of today, the junta has not only failed to implement any of the plan’s provisions but has also increased its brutality against the civilian population. The deadly airstrike conducted in April was a glaring manifestation of the junta’s refusal to engage in meaningful dialogue and cooperation.

  Another issue is ASEAN members’ lack of a consistent approach and political will to address the Myanmar crisis. Only a few ASEAN countries openly condemned the junta’s human rights violations, while others, such as Cambodia, the ASEAN chair in 2022, even met with the junta chief and allowed the international community to interpret this approach to the crisis as recognition of the military regime.

  Finally, ASEAN’s principle of non-interference has been a major obstacle to effectively addressing the Myanmar crisis. ASEAN has moved away from this principle by becoming more assertive in certain cases, such as on economic and humanitarian cooperation, but this has not been mainstreamed. 

  How has civil society responded to ASEAN’s failure to address the situation in Myanmar?

  Despite numerous challenges, civil society has remained active. It is working to ensure that Myanmar does not fall off the radar or is forgotten as a result of conflicts and emergencies erupting in other parts of the world.

  Along with reputable Myanmar CSOs and other regional and international organisations, FORUM-ASIA recently released a position paper calling for a review and reframing of the 5PC. This paper provides five counterpoints of action that ASEAN leaders must immediately take to prove the bloc’s commitment and capability to resolve the Myanmar crisis effectively.

  The first point calls for the immediate adoption of an action plan for civilian protection and cessation of violence. The second emphasises the need to convene inclusive and meaningful consultations with legitimate Myanmar stakeholders, including the NUG, its advisory body the National Unity Consultative Council, the Committee Representing Pyidaungsu Hluttaw – a group of ousted parliamentarians – and ethnic resistance organisations. The third stresses the need to amend the mandate of the ASEAN Special Envoy’s term to three years with authority, independence and resources to take effective action. The fourth calls for the provision of direct support to frontline humanitarian responders in Myanmar and along ethnic borderlands, including Myanmar’s western borders. And the fifth point calls on the Special Envoy to immediately open formal communications and engage with civil society and other key stakeholders from Myanmar’s Spring Revolution.

  What should the international community do to push ASEAN to protect human rights and address the situation in Myanmar?

  International civil society and the international community must push ASEAN to immediately move away from the 5PC and embrace more robust and tangible actions to stop the military junta’s violence and atrocity crimes. They must refrain from legitimising the junta and must recognise the NUG as the democratically elected government and enter into dialogue with all relevant stakeholders, cut bilateral ties, including economic ties, and impose a full arms embargo on the Myanmar armed forces, and call for suspension of the export and transport of aviation fuel to Myanmar.

  They should also work closely with the United Nations, particularly the Security Council and Secretary-General, to resolve the crisis in Myanmar. They should set up a clear mandate for the Special Envoy, grounded in human rights principles, justice and accountability. The role must be full-time, lasting more than a year, and the appointed Special Envoy must engage with all relevant stakeholders, not just the military junta.

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   Civic space inMyanmaris rated ‘closed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.

  Get in touch with FORUM-ASIA through itswebpage or itsFacebook page, and follow@forum_asia on Twitter.

• ASEAN: Decision on humanitarian assistance on Myanmar must include all related parties

  Decision on humanitarian assistance on Myanmar must include all related parties to avoid aid weaponisation by the junta

  We, the 765 undersigned Myanmar regional and international organisations, are gravely concerned by the outcome of the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar that puts the military junta in control of humanitarian aid distribution in Myanmar. Our organisations believe that this decision will enable the military junta to weaponise humanitarian aid to gain legitimacy and commit more human rights atrocities against the people of the country. 

  We urge ASEAN to redirect course in the informal meeting of ASEAN Foreign Ministers that is being held ahead of the ASEAN - US Special Summit and meet with the National Unity Government (NUG), Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs), and local civil society organisations to develop cross-border humanitarian assistance delivered by a trusted local humanitarian and community-based organisation.

  We are dismayed that the meeting initiated and held by Cambodia as ASEAN Chair 2022 on 6 May 2022 only engaged with the Myanmar junta’s Task Force led by the State Administration Council (SAC). The meeting excluded the presence of the National Unity Government, formed by elected representatives of the 2020 elections and civil society and EAOs. Under the pressure of the Myanmar junta, the regional bloc also disinvited the United Nations Special Envoy to Myanmar, H.E. Noeleen Heyzer, to the meeting, despite a false claim made by the Cambodian government indicating her presence was among the stakeholders that attended. 

  We are concerned that ASEAN, under the Cambodia Chairship, while opening its door to the military junta, has been continuously reluctant to engage with the NUG and other related parties, in direct contradiction to the Five-Point Consensus (5PC) agreed by the ASEAN, which calls for inclusive dialogue. We previously condemned the visit made by Prime Minister Hun Sen of Cambodia and the current ASEAN Envoy to Myanmar, undertaken without agreement from other ASEAN leaders, to meet with the junta leader but not with the NUG and detained President U Win Myint and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the civil disobedience movement, and ethnic armed groups. Five months after Cambodia’s ‘rogue diplomacy’, ASEAN continues to be exclusionary. 

  We are alarmed by the regional bloc’s decision to allow the military junta-led Task Force to make decisions on how aid is delivered to Myanmar through the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management (AHA Centre). Given the junta’s ongoing attacks against aid workers and civilians, we are appalled that ASEAN continues to regard the military junta-led Task Force as capable of delivering aid to all communities in Myanmar, including EAO areas. Junta’s promises are politically motivated promises that should not be trusted given the non-compliance record of the junta to the ASEAN 5PC after over a year since the agreement was made. 

  The decision of ASEAN to forge ahead with its plan to deliver humanitarian assistance with the Myanmar military junta-led Task Force ignores the calls made by the people of Myanmar and civil society organisations worldwide that urge the international community to prioritise the provision of cross-border humanitarian aid through local civil society and humanitarian organisations without the junta’s intervention. We reiterate our position that no meaningful solution will be generated by ASEAN if the regional bloc keeps excluding all related parties, namely the NUG, UN Special Envoy on Myanmar, and civil society. The decision will only bring regress and risk ASEAN aiding and abetting the military’s atrocities on the ground.

  We noted that ASEAN Foreign Ministers are holding an informal meeting today on 11 May 2022, prior to the ASEAN – US Special Summit in Washington DC, to discuss the implementation of ASEAN 5PC. We urge the ASEAN and its leaders to:

  • Immediately review and reconsider the decision made in the Consultative Meeting on ASEAN Humanitarian Assistance to Myanmar
  • Immediately and effectively suspend the military junta and its representatives from any strategic meeting of ASEAN for its non-compliance to the 5PC, particularly pertaining to the provision of humanitarian aid
  • Conduct dialogue with the NUG and EAOs, and local civil society organisations to develop cross-border humanitarian assistance delivered by trusted local humanitarian and community-based organisation 
  • Conduct dialogue with the UN Special Envoy to synergise efforts to address human rights and the humanitarian crisis in Myanmar
  • Review and amend the role and appointment mechanism of the ASEAN Special Envoy so that the mandate can assure its representation for ASEAN and effective coordination with all stakeholders in support of the will of the people of Myanmar. 

  Lastly, we specifically call on the ASEAN founding members, particularly Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Singapore, to move beyond the 5PC as it has failed to bring progress. The leaders must prove their commitment to upholding the will of the people of Myanmar to achieve peace and democracy and to hold the military junta accountable for grave human rights violations.  

  For more information, please contact Khin Ohmar, Progressive Voice, .

  List of Signatories

  The signatories list below includes the following 451 organisations and 314 Myanmar organisations that have chosen not to disclose their names.

  1. 8888 Generation (New Zealand)
  2. 8888 New Generation (Mohnyin)
  3. Aa Linn Eain Literary Force (Japan)
  4. Academy Zenith (Education)
  5. Action Against Myanmar Military Coup (Sydney)
  6. Active Youths (Kalay Myo)
  7. Ah Nah Podcast - Conversation with Myanmar
  8. All Arakan Students’ and Youths’ Congress (AASYC)
  9. All Burma Democratic Face in New Zealand
  10. All Burma Student Democratic Front - Australia Branch
  11. All Religions Strike Column
  12. All Sagaing Township Basic Education Students' Union
  13. All Schools of Aungmyaythazan Township Strike Group
  14. All Young Burmese League (AYBL)
  15. Alternative Solutions for Rural Communities (ASORCOM)
  16. ALTSEAN-Burma 
  17. Anti-coup Forces Coordination Committee (AFCC)
  18. Anti-Dictatorship in Burma - DC Metropolitan Area (ADB-DCMA)
  19. Anti-Myanmar Dictatorship Movement
  20. Anti-Myanmar Military Dictatorship Network (AMMDN)
  21. ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights
  22. Asia Democracy Network
  23. Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR)
  24. Asia Pacific Solidarity Coalition (APSOC)
  25. Asian Dignity Initiative
  26. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)
  27. Asian Resource Foundation
  28. Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) 
  29. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters (HRDP)
  30. Association of United Nationalities in Japan (AUN-Japan)
  31. Athan – Freedom of Expression Activist Organization
  32. Auckland Kachin Community NZ
  33. Auckland Zomi Community
  34. Aung Myay Tharzan Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  35. Aung Pin Lal Main Strike Group
  36. Australia Burma Friendship Association, Northern Territory
  37. Australia Karen Organisation
  38. Australia Karen Organization WA Inc.
  39. Australia Myanmar Doctors, Nurses and Friends
  40. Australia Myanmar Youth Alliance (AMYA)
  41. Australian Burmese Muslim Organisation
  42. Australian Chin Community (Eastern Melbourne Inc)
  43. Australian Karen Organisation (AKO)
  44. Back Pack Health Workers Team
  45. Bago Basic Education Students' Union
  46. Bamar Community Tasmania
  47. Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (MASUM) 
  48. Bank Trade Unions Federation of Myanmar - BTUFM
  49. BEHS-1, Hpa-An Basic Education Students' Union
  50. BEHS-1, Mandalay Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  51. BEHS-11, Aungmyethazan Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  52. BEHS-24, Mahaaungmyay Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  53. BEHS-4, Mandalay Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  54. BEHS-8, Aungmyethazan Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  55. Best Friends Forever Group
  56. Blood Money Campaign
  57. Burma Action Ireland
  58. Burma Campaign UK
  59. Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN)
  60. Burma Lawyers’ Council (BLC)
  61. Burma Medical Association 
  62. Burman Suomalaiset (Finland)
  63. Burmese Canadian Network
  64. Burmese Community Development Collaboration (BCDC)
  65. Burmese Community in France
  66. Burmese Community Support Group (BCSG)
  67. Burmese Community, Australia
  68. Burmese Friendship Association
  69. Burmese Medical Association Australia (BMAA)
  70. Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK
  71. Burmese Rohingya Welfare Organisation New Zealand
  72. Burmese Women's Union
  73. Campaign for a New Myanmar
  74. Canberra Karen Association
  75. CDM Support Team Mandalay
  76. Centre for Human Rights and Development, Mongolia 
  77. Chanayetharsan Basic Education Students' Union
  78. Chanmyathazi Township People Strike Group
  79. Chin Community of Auckland
  80. Chin Community of Western Australia Inc.
  81. Chin Community SA
  82. Chin Community Tasmania
  83. Chin Human Rights Organization 
  84. Chin MATA Working Group
  85. Chin Resources Center
  86. Chin Youth Organization (Matupi)
  87. Chin Youth Organization, Australia 
  88. Citizens of Burma Award (New Zealand)
  89. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participations
  90. Co-operative University Student Strike Group 
  91. Coalition of Mandalay Engineers 
  92. Colorful Spring
  93. Combat Support Corps-Japan (CSC-Japan)
  94. Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS)
  95. Committee Representing Mandalay Region Hluttaw
  96. Cooperative University Student Strike Column 
  97. CRPH & NUG Supporters Ireland
  98. CRPH Funding Ireland
  99. CRPH Support Group, Norway
  100. CRPH, NUG Support Team Germany-Deutschland
  101. CRPH/NUG Support Group Australia
  102. Daik-U Basic Education Students' Union
  103. Daung Sit Thi 
  104. Dawei Basic Education Students' Union
  105. Dawei Youth’s in Japan (DYJ) 
  106. Dawei Youths' Revolutionary Movement Strike Committee 
  107. Defense of Human Rights & Public Service, Pakistan
  108. Democracy for Burma
  109. Democracy for Myanmar - Working Group (NZ)
  110. Democracy Movement Strike Committee - Dawei 
  111. Democracy, Peace and Women’s Organization
  112. Democratic Youth Council
  113. Demoso Basic Education Students' Union
  114. Dragon Dawn (Charity Organization)
  115. Education Family Strike Group
  116. Educational Initiatives Myanmar
  117. Equality Myanmar
  118. Ethnic Youth General Strike Committee (Mandalay)
  119. European Karen Network
  120. Falam Community, Australia 
  121. Family Private School Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  122. Federal FM Mandalay
  123. Federal Myanmar Benevolence Group (NZ)
  124. Federation of General Workers Myanmar 
  125. Federation of Workers' Union of Burmese Citizens (in Japan)
  126. Federation of Workers’ Union of the Burmese Citizens (Japan)
  127. Free Burma Action Committee - Chico
  128. Free Burma Action Committee (Central Valley)
  129. Free Burma Action Committee (Sacremento)
  130. Free Burma Action Committee (San Francisco & Bay Area)
  131. Free Rohingya Coalition
  132. Freedom for Burma
  133. Future Light Center
  134. Future Thanlwin
  135. General Strike Committee of Nationalities 
  136. Generation Wave
  137. GenY For Revolution - Japan (GenY)
  138. Global Action For Myanmar Peace and Federal Democracy
  139. Global Movement for Myanmar Democracy (GM4MD)
  140. Global Myanmar Spring Revolution (Japan)
  141. Global Myanmar Spring Revolution (Korea)
  142. Golden Heart Organization
  143. Grass-root People 
  144. Helping Hands for Burma (H2B)
  145. HER (Art, Recycling Center)
  146. Hinthada Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  147. Hlaing Thar Yar Basic Education Students' Union
  148. Hope For Youth - Kyushu Japan
  149. Hopin Basic Education Students' Union
  150. Human Rights Foundation of Monland
  151. India For Myanmar
  152. Indonesian Legal Aid Foundations (YLBHI)
  153. Industrial Training Centre (ITC) Family Sydney
  154. Info Birmanie
  155. Initiatives for International Dialogue
  156. Inter-Faith Strike Column
  157. Interfaith Youth Coalition on Aids in Myanmar (IYCA-Myanmar)
  158. Interim Teachers' Union -Thanlyin Technological University 
  159. International Campaign for the Rohingya
  160. International Karen Organisation
  161. International Society of Myanmar Scholars and Professionals (ISMSP-MM)
  162. Japan Myanmar Future Creative Association (JMFCA)
  163. Joint Action Committee for Democracy in Burma (JACDB)
  164. Justice 4 Myanmar - Hope & Development
  165. Justice For Myanmar
  166. Justice Movement for Community-Innlay
  167. Kachin Affairs Organization - Japan (KAO Japan)
  168. Kachin Association Australia
  169. Kachin Association of Australia WA Inc.
  170. Kachin Human Rights Watch
  171. Kachin Women’s Association Thailand
  172. Kanbung Youth (Matupi)
  173. Kanpetlet Land Development Organization
  174. Karen Community in Netherlands (KCNL)
  175. Karen Community, Australia 
  176. Karen Environmental and Social Action Network
  177. Karen Human Rights Group
  178. Karen National League Japan-KNL
  179. Karen Peace Support Network
  180. Karen Swedish Community (KSC)
  181. Karen Women’s Organization
  182. Karenni Federation of Australia
  183. Karenni Human Rights Group
  184. Karenni National Society (KNS) Japan
  185. Karenni National Women’s Organization
  186. Karenni Society New Zealand
  187. Karenni/Kayah Community
  188. Katha Basic Education Students' Union
  189. Kayan Internally Displacement Supervising Committee 
  190. Kayan Rescue Committee
  191. Kayin Community Tasmania
  192. Keng Tung Youth
  193. Khanthar Farmers Network
  194. Khumzup Local Development Committee
  195. Kobe Myanmar Community 
  196. Korean House of International Solidarity (KHIS), Korea
  197. Kyaukse Basic Education Students' Union
  198. Kyaukse University Students' Union
  199. Kyauktada Strike Committee (KSC)
  200. Labor Union Federation
  201. Labutta Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  202. Land in Our Hand (LIOH)
  203. Langkho Basic Education Students' Union
  204. Lashio Basic Education Students' Union
  205. Latsinu Women Agency
  206. Launglon Basic Education Students' Union
  207. League For Democracy in Burma (L.D.B Japan)
  208. Letpadan Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  209. LGBT Union Mandalay 
  210. LGBTIQ Strike Group
  211. Loka Ahlinn
  212. Los Angeles Myanmar Movement
  213. Magway People's Revolution Committee 
  214. Mahaaungmyay Township People Strike Group
  215. Mandalar College Students Strike Group
  216. Mandalar University Students Union
  217. Mandalay Alliance Coalition Strike Group
  218. Mandalay Based University Student Unions 
  219. Mandalay Civil Society Organization 
  220. Mandalay Computer University Student Union 
  221. Mandalay Engineers Group
  222. Mandalay People Strike Group
  223. Mandalay Poets’ Union
  224. Mandalay Private Universities Students Union
  225. Mandalay Regional Youth Association
  226. Mandalay Technology University (MTU) Students Union
  227. Mandalay Universities, Degree and College Teachers and Staffs Strike Group
  228. Mandalay University Alumni Strike Group
  229. Mandalay University of Foreign Languages Students Union
  230. Mandalay Wholesale Centers Strike Group
  231. Mandalay Women Strike
  232. Mandalay Youth Strike Group
  233. Matu Chin Community, Australia
  234. Matu Forum Committee
  235. Matu Women Association
  236. Mawkmai Basic Education Students' Union
  237. Mawlamyine Basic Education Students' Union
  238. Medical Family Mandalay (MFM)
  239. Meikhtila Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  240. Metta Campaign - Mandalay
  241. Midwifery Training School Students Union (Mandalay) 
  242. MIIT Student Strike Column
  243. MilkTeaAlliance Calendar Team
  244. MilkTeaAlliance Galleries
  245. MilkTeaAlliance Malaysia 
  246. Minbu Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  247. Mindat Chin Community
  248. Mindat Community, Australia
  249. Mindat Emergency Response Team (MERT)
  250. Minority Affairs Institute - MAI (Myanmar)
  251. Mizo Community, Australia
  252. Mogaung Basic Education Students' Union
  253. Mohnyin Basic Education Students' Union
  254. Mon Families Group
  255. Mon National Council
  256. Mon Youth For Federal Democracy
  257. Monywa Basic Education Students' Union - ABFSU
  258. Monywa People Strike Steering Committee 
  259. MRJ (Maraja)
  260. Mudon Basic Education Students' Union
  261. Muslim Youth Network
  262. Muslim Youths Association 
  263. Mya Taung Strike Group
  264. Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability
  265. Myanmar Buddhist Community of South Australia
  266. Myanmar CDM Association
  267. Myanmar Community Coffs Harbour (MCC)
  268. Myanmar Community Ireland
  269. Myanmar Cultural Research Society (MCRS)
  270. Myanmar Democracy and Peace Committee (Australia)
  271. Myanmar Democratic Force in Denmark
  272. Myanmar Democratic Movement (MDM)
  273. Myanmar Development Support Group (MDSG)
  274. Myanmar Diaspora Group (Finland)
  275. Myanmar Emergency Fund (Canada)
  276. Myanmar Engineering Association of Australia (MEAA)
  277. Myanmar Engineers - New Zealand
  278. Myanmar Global Support Foundation
  279. Myanmar Gonye (New Zealand)
  280. Myanmar Institute of Information and Technology (Mandalay) Students Union
  281. Myanmar Labour News
  282. Myanmar Medical Online Campus 
  283. Myanmar Nationalities’ Support Organization - Japan (MNSO)
  284. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State)
  285. Myanmar People Residing in Canberra
  286. Myanmar Professionals Association Australia (MPAA)
  287. Myanmar Railway Division (3) CDM Staffs Strike Group
  288. Myanmar Student Association Ontario (MSAO)
  289. Myanmar Students' Association Australia (MSAA)
  290. Myanmar Students' Union in New Zealand
  291. Myanmar Youth and Student Association, Japan-MYSA
  292. National University of Arts and Culture 
  293. National Youth League for Politics and Leadership 
  294. National Youth Organization
  295. Netherlands Myanmar Solidarity Platform
  296. Network for Advocacy Action
  297. Network for Human Rights Documentation Burma (ND-Burma)
  298. New Rehmonnya Federated Force
  299. New Zealand Doctors for NUG
  300. New Zealand Karen Association
  301. New Zealand Myanmar Ethnics Council
  302. New Zealand Zo Community Inc.
  303. No (12) Basic Education Middle School Student Union 
  304. No (7) Basic Education High School Alumni Strike Group
  305. No.12 Basic Education Middle School (High Branch) Basic Education Students' Union
  306. Northern Spectrum Youth Association
  307. Nursing Training School Students Union (Mandalay)
  308. Nursing University (Mandalay) Student Union 
  309. Nyaunglebin Basic Education Students' Union
  310. Okinawa Myanmar Association
  311. Olive Organization
  312. Open Development Foundation
  313. Overseas Mon Association - New Zealand
  314. Padaung Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  315. Pan Pa Wash People Strike Column
  316. Paramedical Technical University (Mandalay) Student Union 
  317. Patriotic War Veterans of Burma (PWVB)
  318. PEC Private School Basic Education Students' Union
  319. People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (PSPD), Korea
  320. People’s Hope Spring Revolution (PHSR)
  321. Perth Myanmar Youth Network
  322. Phayagye Peace Strike Column
  323. Phayagyi Peace Strike Group 
  324. Private pre school Teachers’ Association 
  325. Progressive Voice
  326. Pyay Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  327. Pyigyidagon Strike Group
  328. Pyin Nyar Nan Daw Private School Basic Education Students' Union
  329. Pyin Oo Lwin Basic Education Students' Union
  330. Pyinmana Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  331. Pyithu Gonye (New Zealand)
  332. Queensland Kachin Community (QKC)
  333. Queensland Myanmar Youth Collective (QMYC)
  334. Queensland Rohingya Community
  335. Red Campaign Nirvana Exhortation Group
  336. Remonya Association of WA (Mon Community)
  337. Representing The Arrested People Strike
  338. Revolution Tokyo Myanmar (R.T.M)
  339. Rohingya Action Ireland
  340. Rohingya Women Webinar Series
  341. Rvwang Community Association New Zealand
  342. Saga Myanmar Overseas Student Association
  343. Saitama Pamphlet Campaign (SPC)
  344. Sangha Union Strike Group
  345. Save and Care Organization for Ethnic Women on the Border Areas
  346. Save Myanmar - USA
  347. Save Myanmar Fundraising Group (New Zealand)
  348. SEA Junction
  349. Sein Pan Strike Column
  350. Seinban Strike Group
  351. Seven Star
  352. Shan Community (New Zealand)
  353. Shan Community in Japan (SCJ)
  354. Shan MATA
  355. Shan Women Development Network
  356. ShizuYouth for Myanmar
  357. Shwe Chin Thae Farmers Network
  358. Shwe Minn Tha Foundation (Myanmar)
  359. Shwe Youth Democratic Alliance (SYDA)
  360. Sintgaing Basic Education Students' Union
  361. Sisters 2 Sisters
  362. Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation
  363. Skills for Humanity
  364. Southcare Medical Centre
  365. Southeast Asia Freedom of Expressions Network (SAFENET)
  366. Southern Youth Development Organization
  367. Southerner News Agency
  368. Spring Revolution Interfaith Network (SRIN)
  369. Spring Revolution Myanmar Muslim Network (SRMMN)
  370. Spring University Myanmar (SUM)
  371. Strike Column of Representatives of Arbitrarily Arrested People
  372. Students and Youth Congress of Burma (SYCB)
  373. Students for Free Burma (SFB)
  374. Support for Myanmar
  375. Support Group for Democracy in Myanmar (The Netherlands)
  376. Swedish Burma Committee
  377. Sydney Friends for Myanmar Unity
  378. Ta'ang Legal Aid
  379. Ta’ang Women’s Organization 
  380. Taekwando Sport Association 
  381. Taekwondo Federation
  382. Tai Youths Network Japan (TYNJ)
  383. Taiwan Alliance for Myanmar (TAM)
  384. Tampawadi People Strike Group
  385. Tanintharyi MATA
  386. Tanintharyi People’s Voice
  387. Taunggyi Basic Education Students' Union
  388. Technological Teachers’ Federation (TTF)
  389. Technological University (Yadanabon Cyber City) Students Union
  390. Technological University Mandalay (TUM) Students Union 
  391. Tha Pyay Nyo Periodical 
  392. Thapaynyo News Letter
  393. Thaton Basic Education Students' Union
  394. The Institution of Professional Engineers Myanmar
  395. Thint Myat Lo Thu Myar Organization
  396. Twitter Team for Revolution 
  397. U.S. Campaign for Burma
  398. Uakthon Local Social Development Organization
  399. Unitarian Universalist Service Committee
  400. United Myanmar Community of South Australia 
  401. University of Computer (Mandalay) Students Union
  402. University of Dental Medicine (Mandalay) Students Union
  403. University of Medical Technology (Mandalay) Students Union
  404. University of Medicine (Mandalay) Students Union
  405. University of Nursing (Mandalay) Students Union
  406. University of Pharmacy (Mandalay) Students Union 
  407. University of Traditional Medicine (Mandalay) Students Union
  408. University Youth Prayer Committee (YUPC)
  409. US Advocacy Coalition for Myanmar (USACM)
  410. VEC Private School Basic Education Students' Union
  411. Victorian Burmese Care Community (VBCC)
  412. Victorian Myanmar Youth
  413. Vietnamese Women for Human Rights
  414. Voice For Justice (VFJ)
  415. We Love Motherland-MM (Malaysia)
  416. We Pledge CDM (Australia)
  417. We Support (Japan)
  418. Western Australia Myanmar Democratic Network
  419. Wetlet Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  420. Winemaw Civil Society Network
  421. Women Activists Myanmar
  422. Women Advocacy Coalition Myanmar (WAC-M) 
  423. Women Alliance Burma 
  424. Women’s League of Burma 
  425. Wundwin Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  426. Yadanabon University Students Union
  427. Yadanapone University Student Union (Ya. Ta. Ka. Tha) 
  428. Yadanar Foundation
  429. Yangon Medical Network 
  430. Yedashe Basic Education Students' Union-ABFSU
  431. Yokohama Pamphlet Campaign (YPC)
  432. Young Changemakers Community
  433. Youth Poets’ Union
  434. YUOE Debate Club
  435. Zabuthiri Basic Education Students'       Union-ABFSU
  436. Zo Community, Australia
  437. Zomi Association Australia Inc.
  438. Zomi Community Queensland
  439. Zomi Community South Australia
  440. ခိုင်မြဲသစ္စာဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေး ကော်မတီ
  441. ပြည်သူ့ရင်သွေးနွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး
  442.  ပြည်သူရင်သွေးနွေဦးတော်လှန်ရေး(ဂျပန်)
  443.  မြင်းခြံလူထုလှုပ်ရှားမှုကော်မတီ
  444.  မြန်မာ့ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီ အောင်နိုင်ရေးအဖွဲ့ပေါင်းချုပ် - ကိုရီးယား
  445.  မြန်မာ့ ဖက်ဒရယ်ဒီမိုကရေစီအောင်နိုင်ရေးအဖွဲ့ပေါင်းချုပ် (MFDMC)
  446. ရေအေးမိတ်ဖက် ဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးကော်မတီ
  447. အနာဂါတ်အလင်း ဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးကော်မတီ
  448. အလင်းရောင်ပန်းတိုင် ဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးကော်မတီ
  449. အလင်းသစ္စာဖွံ့ဖြိုးရေးကော်မတီ
  450. အလင်းသစ်ပရဟိတ
  451. အားမာန်သစ် ဖွံ့ဖြိုးကော်မတီ
• ASEAN: Refrain from legitimising junta and enhance cooperation to address human rights situation in Myanmar

  Civil society organisations urge the regional-bloc under Cambodia Chairship to halt further measures that will bring legitimacy to the junta military of Myanmar.

  ---

  We, the undersigned, express deep concern over the planned visit of Prime Minister Hun Sen, on behalf of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), to Myanmar to meet with the junta representative, General Min Aung Hlaing. The visit is scheduled for 7 January 2022. We call on the ASEAN to refrain from further actions that will legitimise the junta and effectively implement the ASEAN Five-Point Consensus in alignment with the call made by the international community.

• Civil society groups demand Indonesia to implement cohesive policy and approach to not legitimise Myanmar junta in ASEAN

  On the 2^nd anniversary of Myanmar's attempted coup, we, the undersigned, call on Indonesia as the Chair of ASEAN to not legitimise the Myanmar junta at any cost. This shall include a commitment to disinvite junta representatives from ASEAN meetings at all levels.

• MYANMAR: ‘If we fail to take appropriate action, the junta will commit more crimes’

  CIVICUS speaks with Kyaw Win, founder and Executive Director of theBurma Human Rights Network (BHRN), about the situation in Myanmar one year after the coup. As theCIVICUS Monitor has documented, activists and journalists continue to be criminalised and killed. Political prisoners have been tortured and ill-treated and the junta continues to block aid and imposes restrictions on humanitarian workers. 

  BHRN works for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in Myanmar. It has played a crucial role advocating for human rights and religious freedom with the international community and earned a reputation for providing credible and reliable analysis. It recently published reports oncrimes against humanity by the Myanmar military following the coup and on human rights violations and the situation inRohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh. 

  What led you to found BHRN?

  I was born and brought up in a predominantly Muslim township in Yangon and lived there for 30 years. But in 2009 I had to leave the country and stayed at the Thailand-Myanmar border, temporarily leaving my family. Because I was not able to go back, I eventually moved to the UK and after one-and-a-half years I was reunited with my family.

  In 2012, when violence against Muslims erupted in Myanmar, I felt I needed to take action and founded BHRN, which was registered in the UK in 2015. Despite progress in the transition to democracy, we decided to keep BHRN underground. This surprised many, but we felt the situation could reverse easily. Unfortunately, this came true with the February 2021 military coup.

  BHRN tracks hate speech both online and offline. We believe hate speech is very dangerous and monitoring it helps us predict impending violence. As we are underground, we are able to collect data on the ground even if it’s very risky. We work in Myanmar and have staff there, including in Rakhine State, as well as in Bangladesh and Thailand. We see the need to expand because as a result of the coup there are restrictions on movement.

  We have experts on various themes, including on freedom of religion and Rohingya issues, and we produce monthly reports. We also undertake international advocacy to share our research with decision-makers such as United Nations (UN) representatives, European Union officials and staff of the US State Department, as well as decision-makers in countries such as Indonesia and Malaysia.

  We also work with young people in Myanmar and build capacity around human rights, democracy and pluralism.

  A year on from the coup, what is the situation for activists and civil society in Myanmar, and how are human rights groups outside the country responding?

  The military has accused civil society activists of leading the resistance against the coup with backing and funding from the west. The military wants to destroy civil society, and many are being attacked and killed, so there is a lot of fear. Those in detention are in terrible conditions. Many have been tortured.

  Other activists who became aware that the coup was imminent were able to flee the country or leave the cities. They now operate from the outside, in Thailand and at the Thailand-Myanmar border, supporting those still in the country.

  We are calling for justice and the removal of the military from power. We have been calling for international sanctions since 2017, following the Rohingya genocide. However, at the time the international community was unwilling to take strong action, as they hoped that democratic reforms would be undertaken by the government of the National League for Democracy. There was only symbolic action but no targeting of the government at that time.

  Following the coup, we made clear to the international community that if we fail to take appropriate action, the junta would be emboldened to commit more crimes. Now, finally, targeted economic sanctions have been imposed and some companies, such as Chevron and Total, have decided to leave Myanmar. Some argue that economic sanctions will push Myanmar closer to China, but those people forget that in 2007, following sanctions after the Saffron Revolution, there was an internal revolt that led to the transition to a civilian government. The junta can’t survive long-term economic sanctions. The people of Myanmar know they may suffer due to sanctions, but many have told me they welcome them as long as they hit the military.

  We are also pushing for an arms embargo and to stop the sale of jet fuel to the junta, which they have used to bomb civilians. Another thing we request from the international community is humanitarian support.

  We are concerned about the UN’s position, which appears to view the military as a stakeholder in a potential power-sharing agreement. The UN Special Envoy recently expressed this position and we were very disappointed.

  We also have concerns with the shadow National Unity Government (NUG) formed in exile by those who had been democratically elected, because we have observed the exclusion of minorities. The NUG has no Muslim representation, so we don’t have a voice. This also affects the NUG’s credibility.

  How do you assess the response to the military coup by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)?

  In April 2021, a five-point consensus plan was agreed at an ASEAN summit. This included an immediate cessation of violence in Myanmar, constructive dialogue among all parties, the appointment of a special ASEAN envoy to facilitate dialogue, the provision of humanitarian assistance and a visit by the envoy to Myanmar.

  However, ASEAN is not united on this. It includes three groupings that cannot agree on anything. For instance, Vietnam is close to Russia and would block any arms embargo. Thailand seems to support the military junta. Indonesia and Malaysia have taken a strong stand; we have engaged with them since day one and they have supported us. Singapore has also spoken up.

  It doesn’t help that the permanent members of the UN Security Council are toying with ASEAN, using this regional body as their proxy. They have passed the buck to ASEAN to resolve an issue that they have failed to tackle.

  We can’t expect more from ASEAN than it can deliver. We want the military to be removed from power and replaced with a civilian government, and this is something many ASEAN governments don’t understand. ASEAN’s five-point consensus plan has not been implemented. ASEAN has no weight on Myanmar unless China or the USA move. 

  We seem to have excessive expectations placed on ASEAN, while in fact there is not much it can do. The rest of the international community should step up and do more.

  What can international civil society do to support activists in Myanmar and hold the junta accountable?

  In the past we only focused on human rights investigations, but now we are also doing humanitarian work. We are renting and setting up safe houses to hide people and helping them leave the country. Costs have greatly increased but funding has remained the same.

  Those working in the country need the support of international civil society, and new ways to deliver support need to be devised because it has become dangerous to receive funds as the junta is monitoring bank accounts. There are also issues of accountability and transparency, as we cannot disclose the names of the people we are helping.

  However, I believe if we overcome this challenge, Myanmar’s civil society will emerge very strong. But we need more understanding and engagement with us.

  I believe nothing lasts forever and this too will pass. The junta will have to leave at some point. While the situation is quite bad, a good sign is that many military personnel have changed sides and now support the NUG. But we need to continue our struggle with a clear vision of the future that is centred on human rights and democracy. And we need support from the international community so those struggling on the ground will one day see their dreams come true.

  Civic space inMyanmar is rated ‘repressed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.
  Get in touch with BHRN through itswebsite and follow@kyawwin78 on Twitter. 

• MYANMAR: ‘The world must recognise this as a sham election and support our struggle for genuine democracy’

  CIVICUS discusses Myanmar’s upcoming general election with Lynn Htett, a human rights activist and coordinator of Towards Media, a grassroots initiative that documents human rights violations, promotes civic education and supports democratic movements in Myanmar.

  Myanmar’s military junta has scheduled a general election for 28 December, presenting this as a step towards restoring civilian rule. However, with major opposition parties dissolved, leaders imprisoned and large areas of the country experiencing armed conflict, the election can be expected to consolidate military control than restore democracy.

  Read more 

• Myanmar: Regional bloc must move beyond the failed consensus

  One year on, since adopting the Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and its member states have not achieved any progress in addressing the human rights and humanitarian crisis perpetrated by the military junta.

• Open Letter to ASEAN Defence Ministers

  To:
  H.E. General Tea Banh, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Defence, Cambodia 

  His Majesty Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu'izzaddin Waddaulahibni Al-Marhum, Minister of Defense, Brunei Darussalam

  H.E. Prabowo Subianto, Minister of Defence, Indoensia

  H.E. General Chansamone Chanyalath, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Defence, Lao PDR

  The Honourable Dato' Seri Hishammuddin bin Tun Hussein, Senior Minister of Defence, Malaysia

  H.E. Delfin N. Lorenzana, Secretary of National Defense, Philippines

  H.E. Dr Ng Eng Hen, Minister for Defence, Singapore

  H.E. General Prayut Chan-o-cha, Prime Minister and Minister of Defence, Thailand

  H.E. General Phan Van Giang, Minister of National Defence, Viet Nam

   

  June 15 2022

  Re: Myanmar junta participation in ADMM

  Your Excellencies,

  We, the undersigned 677 Myanmar, regional and international civil society organizations, appeal to you not to extend an invitation to the Myanmar military junta's Minister of Defence at the upcoming ASEAN Defence Ministers' Meeting (ADMM). 

  The Myanmar military junta's acts meet the definition of terror under international and national law and are responsible for ongoing violations of international human rights and humanitarian law following the military's illegal coup attempt. Since the military's illicit attempt coup, almost 700,000 people have been forcibly displaced as the junta waged a terror campaign against the Myanmar people. In the face of mass public resistance, the junta has murdered more than 1,900 people, arbitrarily arrested over 14,000 more, committed widespread torture, indiscriminate airstrikes and shelling, burnt villages and looted public property. 

  In the upcoming 16th ADMM, scheduled for June 22, we understand that the Junta defence minister General Mya Tun Oo will be representing Myanmar. General Mya Tun Oo plays a leading role in managing the military, responsible for committing ongoing atrocity crimes with total impunity. Mya Tun Oo's direct responsibility for international law violations has been recognized by the USA, U.K., EU, Canada and New Zealand, which sanctioned him. In its designation, the U.K. stated that Mya Tun Oo has "command responsibility for these violations and can therefore be held responsible for these actions." Mya Tun Oo is also a member of the State Administration Council (SAC). The E.U. recognized that "as a member of the SAC, General Mya Tun Oo has been directly involved in and responsible for decision making concerning state functions and is therefore responsible for undermining democracy and the rule of law". Mya Tun Oo should be held accountable for his role in the military's attempted coup and the junta's atrocity crimes and not rewarded through participation in ADMM.

  We welcome ASEAN's exclusion of Senior General Min Aung Hlaing from the 2021 ASEAN Summit and the exclusion of the junta foreign minister Wunna Maung Lwin from the 2022 Foreign Ministers' Retreat. However, we note with concern that ADMM has invited the junta to participate in meetings, including at the ministerial level, since its illegal coup attempt, which is inconsistent with decisions made by ASEAN not to invite General Min Aung Hlaing and Wunna Maung Lwin. ADMM's engagement with the junta, which has included military exercises, may likely amount to aiding and abetting the junta's war crimes and crimes against humanity.  

  It is imperative that ASEAN does not award legitimacy to the Myanmar military junta, upholds its charter and respects international human rights and humanitarian law by excluding the junta from ADMM. In allowing the junta to participate in ADMM, ASEAN is further risking complicity in the junta's atrocity crimes by providing support and legitimacy to the military and encouraging a military that is waging a nationwide campaign of terror. 

  As ASEAN defence ministers, we appeal to you to disinvite Mya Tun Oo from the 16th ADMM and all future meetings. Engage with the National Unity Government as the legitimate government of Myanmar, and work to resolve the crisis in Myanmar. 

  For any further inquiries, please contact:

  Khin Ohmar, Progressive Voice,  

  Debbie Stothard, ALTSEAN-Burma,  

  Salai Za Uk Ling, Chin Human Rights Organization,  

   

  List of Signatories

  The list of signatories below includes 299 Myanmar, regional and international organizations and 378 Myanmar civil society organizations that have chosen not to disclose their names.

  Signed by: 

  1. "Do" farmer Organization

  2. 8888 Generation (New Zealand)

  3. 8888 New Generation (Mohnyin)

  4. Action Against Myanmar Military Coup (Sydney)

  5. Action Committee for Democracy Development

  6. Active Youths (Kalaymyo)

  7. Ah Nah podcast- Conversation with Myanmar

  8. Ah. La. Ka (12) Hta Khwe, Primary Education Student Union

  9. All Arakan Students and Youths' Congress

  10. All Burma Democratic Face in New Zealand

  11. All Burma Student Democratic Front - Australia Branch

  12. All Religions Strike Column

  13. All Young Burmese League (AYBL)

  14. Alliance for Free Burma Solidarity

  15. Alternative Solutions for Rural Communities (ASORCOM)

  16. ALTSEAN-Burma

  17. Anti Dictatorship in Burma DC Metropolitan Area

  18. Anti-Myanmar Dictatorship Movement

  19. Anti-Myanmar Military Dictatorship Network (AMMDN)

  20. Arakan CSO Network

  21. Arakan Humanitarian Coordination Team- AHCT

  22. ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR)

  23. Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR)

  24. Asia Pacific Solidarity Coalition

  25. Asian Cultural Forum on Development (ACFOD) Philippines

  26. Asian Cultural Forum on Development Foundation (ACFOD) Thailand

  27. Asian Dignity Initiative

  28. Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development

  29. Association for Advancement of Freedom of Religion or Belief in Vietnam (AAFORB-VN)

  30. Association of Human Rights Defenders and Promoters

  31. Athan - Freedom of Expression Activist Organization

  32. Auckland Kachin Community N.Z.

  33. Auckland Zomi Community

  34. Aung Myay Thar Zan Education Schools Strike Column

  35. Aung Pin Lae Main Strike Column

  36. Australia Burma Friendship Association, Northern Territory

  37. Australia Karen Organization WA Inc.

  38. Australia Myanmar Doctors, Nurses and Friends

  39. Australia Myanmar Youth Alliance (AMYA)

  40. Australian Burmese Muslim Organisation

  41. Australian Chin Community (Eastern Melbourne Inc)

  42. Australian Karen Organisation (AKO)

  43. Australian Karen Organisation Inc

  44. Back Pack Health Workers Team

  45. Bamar Community Tasmania

  46. BCC (စစ်ကိုင်း)

  47. Blood Money Campaign

  48. Buddhist Solidarity Association

  49. Burma Action Ireland

  50. Burma Campaign U.K. 

  51. Burma Human Rights Network

  52. Burma Lawyers' Council (BLC)

  53. Burma Medical Association

  54. Burma Soumalaiset (Finland)

  55. Burmese Community - South Australia

  56. Burmese Community Development Collaboration (BCDC)

  57. Burmese Community Group (Manawatu, N.Z.)

  58. Burmese Community Support Group (BCSG)

  59. Burmese Friendship Association

  60. Burmese Medical Association Australia (BMAA)

  61. Burmese Rohingya Organisation U.K. 

  62. Burmese Rohingya Welfare Organisation New Zealand

  63. Burmese Women's Union

  64. Cambodian Americans and Friends for Democracy and Human Rights Advocate

  65. Campaign for a New Myanmar

  66. Canberra Karen Association

  67. CDM Support Team Mandalay (CSTM)

  68. Chan Mya Thar Si Township People Strike Column

  69. Chin Community - South Australia

  70. Chin Community of Auckland

  71. Chin Community of Western Australia Inc.

  72. Chin Community Tasmania

  73. Chin Human Rights Organization

  74. Chin MATA Working Group

  75. Chin Resources Center

  76. Chin Youth Organization (Matupi)

  77. Citizen of Burma Award - New Zealand

  78. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation

  79. Committee Representing Mandalay Region Hluttaw

  80. Cooperative University Student Strike Column 

  81. CRPH & NUG Supporters Ireland

  82. CRPH Funding Ireland

  83. CRPH Support Group, Norway

  84. CRPH, NUG Support Team Germany - Deutschland

  85. CRPH/NUG support group Australia

  86. Dawei Development Association

  87. Dawei Probono Lawyer Network

  88. Democracy for Myanmar - Working Group (N.Z.)

  89. Democracy, Peace and Women's Organization

  90. Democratic Youth Council

  91. Doh Atu - Ensemble pour le Myanmar

  92. Dragon Dawn

  93. Education and health care for Myanmar-Thailand Association

  94. Education Family (Anti - Fascists Education Strike Columns Coordination Committee) 

  95. Educational Initiatives Myanmar

  96. Equality Myanmar

  97. Ethnic Youth General Strike Committee

  98. Falam Community - South Australia

  99. Federal Myanmar Benevolence Group (N.Z.)

  100. Foundation of Khmer Samaki

  101. Free Burma Campaign (South Africa)

  102. Free Expression Myanmar (FEM)

  103. Free Rohingya Coalition

  104. Future Light Center

  105. Future Thanlwin

  106. General Strike Committee of Nationalities - GSCN

  107. Generation Wave

  108. Generations (မျိုးဆက်)

  109. GenY For Revolution Japan

  110. German Solidarity with Myanmar Democracy e.V.

  111. Global Myanmar Spring Revolution 

  112. Global Myanmar Spring Revolution - Japan

  113. Global Myanmar Spring Revolution - Korea

  114. Golden Heart Organization

  115. Grass-root People

  116. Human Rights Educators' Network

  117. Human Rights Foundation of Monland

  118. In Defense of Human Rights and Dignity Movement (iDEFEND) Philippines

  119. India For Myanmar

  120. Industrial Training Centre (ITC) Family Sydney

  121. Info Birmanie

  122. Initiatives for International Dialogue

  123. Institute for Asian Democracy

  124. Inter Pares

  125. Interfaith Youth Coalition on Aids in Myanmar (IYCA-Myanmar)

  126. International Campaign for the Rohingya

  127. International Karen Organisation

  128. JASS Southeast Asia

  129. Joint Action Committee for Democracy in Burma (JACDB)

  130. Justice 4 Myanmar - Hope & Development

  131. Justice Movement for Community-Innlay

  132. Justice For Myanmar

  133. Kachin Association Australia

  134. Kachin Association of Australia WA Inc.

  135. Kachin Human Rights Watch

  136. Kachin State Women Network

  137. Kachin Women's Association Thailand

  138. Kachin Women's Union

  139. Kadu Youth Development Association (KYDA)

  140. Kalyarna Metta Association (Khin U)

  141. Kanbung Youth (Matupi)

  142. Kanpetlet Land Development Organization

  143. Karen Community - South Australia

  144. Karen Human Rights Group

  145. Karen Peace Support Network

  146. Karen Swedish Community (KSC)

  147. Karen Women's Organization

  148. Karenni Community of Western Australia Inc.

  149. Karenni Federation of Australia

  150. Karenni Human Rights Group

  151. Karenni Society New Zealand

  152. Kayan Internally Displacement Supervising Committee (KIDSC)

  153. Kayan Women’s Organization

  154. Kayin Community Tasmania

  155. Keng Tung Youth

  156. Khanthar Farmers Network

  157. Khumzup Local Development Committee

  158. Kurawal Foundation

  159. Kyauktada Strike Committee

  160. LA COMMUNAUTÉ BIRMANE DE FRANCE

  161. LGBTIQ Strike of Mandalay

  162. Maha Aung Myay Township People Collective Strike Column

  163. Mandalar University Student Strike  Column 

  164. Mandalay Alliance Strike Collective Column 

  165. Mandalay Based People Strike Column 

  166. Mandalay Civil Society Organizations 

  167. Mandalay Engineer Group

  168. Mandalay Engineer United Force

  169. Mandalay University Student Alumni Union 

  170. Mandalay Wholesale Strike Column

  171. Mandalay Youth Association

  172. Mandalay Youth Strike Column

  173. MATA Sagaing Region

  174. Matu Chin Community - South Australia

  175. Matu Forum Committee

  176. Matu Women Association

  177. Medical Family – Mandalay

  178. Metta Campaign Mandalay

  179. MIIT Student Strike Column

  180. MilkTeaAlliance Calendar

  181. MilkTeaAlliance Galleries

  182. Mindanao Peacebuilding Institute Foundation, Inc. (MPI)

  183. Mindat Chin Community NSW

  184. Mindat Community - South Australia

  185. Mindat Emergency Response Team (MERT)

  186. Mizo Community - South Australia

  187. Mon Families Group

  188. Mon National Council (MNC)

  189. Mung Chying Rawt Jat (MRJ) 

  190. Muslim Youth Network

  191. Muslim Youth Union 

  192. Mya Taung Strike Column

  193. Myanmar Accountability Project

  194. Myanmar Action Group Denmark

  195. Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and Accountability 

  196. Myanmar Buddhist Community of South Australia

  197. Myanmar Community Coffs Harbour (MCC)

  198. Myanmar Cultural Research Society (MCRS)

  199. Myanmar Democracy and Peace Committee (Australia)

  200. Myanmar Democratic Movement (MDM)

  201. Myanmar Diaspora Group Finland

  202. Myanmar Engineering Association of Australia (MEAA)

  203. Myanmar Engineers - New Zealand

  204. Myanmar Gonye (New Zealand)

  205. Myanmar People Alliance (Shan State)

  206. Myanmar People from Ireland

  207. Myanmar People Residing in Canberra

  208. Myanmar Professionals Association Australia (MPAA)

  209. Myanmar Railway, Region (3) CDM Strike Column

  210. Myanmar Students' Association Australia (MSAA)

  211. Myanmar Students' Union in New Zealand

  212. Netherlands Myanmar Solidarity Platform

  213. Network for Advocacy Action

  214. Network for Human Rights Documentation Burma (ND-Burma)

  215. New Zealand Doctors for NUG

  216. New Zealand Karen Association

  217. New Zealand Zo Community Inc.

  218. NLD Solidarity Association (Australia)

  219. No 7 State High School Alumni Strike Column 

  220. No Business With Genocide

  221. Northern Spectrum Youth Association

  222. NSW Karenni (Kayah) Communities

  223. OCTOPUS (Youth Organization)

  224. Open Development Foundation

  225. Overseas Mon Association, New Zealand

  226. Pan Pa Wash People Strike Column

  227. Patriotic War Vetrans of Burma (PWVB)

  228. Peace and Culture Foundation

  229. People's Hope Spring Revolution

  230. Phayagye Peace Strike Column

  231. Private Pre-school Teachers Association 

  232. Progressive Voice

  233. Pusat Komas 

  234. Pyi Gyi Ta Gon Strike 

  235. Pyithu Gonye (New Zealand)

  236. Queensland Kachin Community (QKC)

  237. Queensland Myanmar Youth Collective (QMYC

  238. Queensland Rohingya Community

  239. Rohingya Action Ireland

  240. Rvwang Community Association New Zealand

  241. Sangha Samaga Strike Column

  242. Save and Care Organization for Women at Border Areas

  243. SAVE MYANMAR - USA

  244. Save Myanmar Fundraising Group (New Zealand)

  245. Sein Pan Strike Column

  246. Shan Community (New Zealand)

  247. Shan MATA

  248. Shan Women Development Network

  249. Shape-Sea

  250. Shwe Youth Democratic Alliance (SYDA)

  251. Shwechinthae Farmers Network

  252. Sisters 2 Sisters

  253. Sitt Nyein Pann Foundation

  254. Social Garden 

  255. Southeast Asia Freedom of Expression Network (SAFEnet)

  256. Southern Youth Development Organization

  257. Strike Column of Representatives of Arbitrarily Arrested People

  258. Strike Column of Teachers from Universities and Degree Colleges of Mandalay 

  259. Students & Youth Congress of Burma (SYCB)

  260. Support for Myanmar

  261. Swedish Burma Committee

  262. Swedish Foundation for Human Rights

  263. Sydney Friends for Myanmar Unity

  264. Ta'ang Women's Organization

  265. Taekwando Sport Association 

  266. Tanintharyi MATA

  267. Tanintharyi Nationalities Congress

  268. Tanintharyi People's Voice

  269. Tanintharyi Women's Network

  270. Thai Action Committee for Democracy in Burma (TACDB)

  271. Thapaynyo News Letter

  272. The Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS)

  273. The Institution of Professional Engineers Myanmar (IPEM)

  274. Together Thanlyin

  275. Twitter Team for Revolution

  276. U.S. Campaign for Burma

  277. Uakthon Local Social Development Organization

  278. United Myanmar Community of South Australia  

  279. Victorian Burmese Care Community (VBCC)

  280. Victorian Myanmar Youth (VMY)

  281. Way Way Nay

  282. We Pledge CDM (Australia)

  283. Western Australia Myanmar Community (WAMC)

  284. Western Australia Myanmar Democratic Network (WAMDN)

  285. Winemaw Civil Society Network

  286. Winemaw Lisu Development Association

  287. Women Activists Myanmar (WAM)

  288. Women Advocacy Coalition-Myanmar

  289. Women's League of Burma

  290. Women's Peace Network

  291. Zo Community - South Australia

  292. Zomi Association Australia Inc.

  293. Zomi Community - South Australia

  294. Zomi Community Queensland

  295. ခုနစ်စင်ကြယ်အဖွဲ့

  296. ဒို့မြေကွန်ရက် (LIOH)

  297. ဒေါင်းစစ်သည်

  298. ပွင့်ဖြူလယ်ယာမြေကွန်ရက်

  299. ပဲခူး MATA