Namibia

• NAMIBIA: ‘Protests against gender-based violence were triggered by collective hope’

  CIVICUS speaks to Bertha Tobias about the recent protests against femicide and gender-based violence (GBV) in Namibia. Bertha is a youth leader and an international award-winning debater. A graduate of the United World College Changshu China, she is currently pursuing her post-secondary education at Claremont Mckenna College in California. She was the recipient of a Go Make A Difference award, which supports the implementation of community development projects, and has been an active participant in women´s rights protests in Namibia.

  

  Can you tell us of how the #ShutItAllDown protests against GBV started and how you got involved?

  I got involved in the fight against GBV after news emerged that human remains had been discovered in a coastal town in Namibia. The remains were suspected to be those of Shannon Wasserfall, a young woman in her 20s who had gone missing in April 2020. This particular incident set off mass reactions. The release of the headline on the Twitter account of one of the major national news outlets spurred a lot of young people to action, to mobilise and organise ourselves to take to the streets. It injected urgency into the conversation around GBV and femicide in Namibia.

  This was not isolated case, as young Namibian women continuously go missing. But when this case emerged, it revived the national conversation. Somebody on Twitter rightfully stated that something needed to happen, something needed to change, and I responded to this and got involved from the beginning because this is something I care about deeply, as I strongly believe that women matter equally and fully.

  Together with other young people, we sent out emails, garnered the support we needed, and organised ourselves within less than 24 hours, mostly and primarily through social media. We made a flyer which was circulated widely, and people showed up to the protest. Young people took ownership and that was how it started. This was an example of both the power of the internet and the power of young people.

  If I remember correctly, on the first day of the protests, a newspaper reported that slightly over 800 people attended the protest, and all subsequent protests had hundreds of people. Both young women and men were involved: the protests were led predominantly by women, but young men were present in considerable numbers. What is important to note regarding the demographics of the protests is that it was mostly young people. It was young people attending meetings with officials, drafting petitions and speaking to the media. And it was young women who were at the forefront, with young men providing support.

  We believe that if young women in Namibia cannot walk to the shops to buy a carton of milk without fearing for their lives, then something is terribly wrong with us as a nation. The philosophy of #ShutItAllDown is quite radical: it means that everything needs to be brought to a standstill until we can re-evaluate what it is about Namibian systems of safety that is not working for Namibian women. Until we have answers to those questions, we do not believe it is right, healthy or in the best interest of anyone to continue doing business as usual. We don’t want economic activity of any sort to continue as usual if young women do not feel safe.

  From your perspective, what made #ShutItAllDown different from previous women’s rights protests in Namibia?

  There have been other protests for women’s rights in the past. In fact, earlier in 2020 we had a pro-choice protest that focused specifically on women’s sexual and reproductive health rights and advocated for the legalisation of abortion and the recognition of women’s bodily agency and autonomy. Under Namibia’s Abortion and Sterilisation Act of 1975, abortions are illegal except in cases involving incest, rape, or where the mother’s or child’s life is in danger.

  There are feminist movements in Namibia that are active and work consistently; however, something practical we had to acknowledge is that a lot of feminist movements are led by young people who also have other obligations, such as full-time jobs. Civil society organisations also face challenges, particularly in terms of resources and institutional support.

  The previous protest that took place in early 2020 was significant in paving the way and establishing an important foundation for #ShutItAllDown to have the collective confidence to go forth. Feminist organisers were at hand and were active in amplifying the voice of #ShutItAllDown. They were very present in terms of disseminating information, and they were crucial in mobilising their people to show up to the protests and keep the momentum going. Feminist organisers in Namibia do a lot of work behind the scenes but their work can only get so far because of insufficient resources. Hence, a lot of our petition demands were aimed at government and other institutions that do have the resources that we need to institute the changes that we seek.

  The difference between #ShutItAllDown and previous protests is the fact that now the young people of Namibia are becoming increasingly involved in political affairs and are becoming vocal about holding government and other institutions accountable to their mandate and fulfilling their work and obligations towards the citizenry.

  Additionally, the movement was able to grow more organically because social media are increasingly being used as a tool to have exchanges and push for accountability. Namibia has a fairly young population with tremendous digital abilities. The flexibility and capacity for self-organisation of young people eventually pushed us all to do something.

  What were the demands of the #ShutItAllDown movement? What response did they obtain?

  The biggest demand we had for the government of Namibia was the declaration of a state of emergency in respect to femicide and sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), simply because we believed the problem we are facing warranted this kind of action. We wanted this to be a message that femicide is a national crisis and that beyond the COVID-19 pandemic, women always, every single day, are fearful for their lives. We also demanded an immediate consultation with SGBV experts and for the Ministry of Justice to begin implementing a sexual offenders’ registry and sexual offences courts.

  Several demands focused on accelerating existing methods to curb SGBV. New demands were also addressed to various ministries and other stakeholders, such as for 24/7 patrols around neighbourhoods, remote mobile GBV services and the implementation of school and university curricula to sensitise young people on SGBV.

  Our petition recognised that there is violence both inside and outside the home. But it is our understanding that curbing violence inside the home is more difficult due to the years and generations of grassroots work that is necessary to undo normalised gendered abuse. We may not be alive to witness the fruits of this effort, simply due to how long it may take to transform a society and its culture, to overturn and collectively interrogate the traditional principles in which abusive norms are rooted.

  Unfortunately, we did not obtain the declaration of the state of emergency for which we were hoping. But other demands, such as strengthening security through patrolling, implementing school curricula and establishing task forces or committees to revive efforts to curb SGBV were positively responded to. Another petition demand that was important and received a positive response was training for police officers to be more sympathetic and empathetic when dealing with cases and reports of GBV. We know that the reception that survivors get at police stations and the lack of attention and urgency with which their cases are handled is one of the major reasons why women do not report sexual violence.

  Were other relevant issues brought to the forefront as a result of the #ShutItAllDown movement?

  Yes, LGBTQI+ advocates and community members were consequential in mobilising people for the protest and amplifying the voices of the #ShutItAllDown movement. For me, it was important to see queer women and other LGBTQI+ individuals navigating a violently homophobic and transphobic society, protesting and highlighting the significance of intersectionality and collective advocacy. Out-Right Namibia, a leading LGBTQI+ human rights organisation in Namibia, used its momentum to propel #ShutItAllDown and create a strong, well-connected network for advocating for our collective rights as Black and/or queer women.

  The #ShutItAllDown protests also brought to the forefront the illegality of abortion in Namibia and our reproductive health rights. We intensified our conversations about the issue of reproductive health rights of women in general. These were some of the vital issues that were highlighted by #ShutItAllDown, which made it apparent how much work still needs to be done so that the rights of all women are recognised and respected.

  Is there room for intergenerational activism within the #ShutItAllDown movement?

  Intergenerational activism has proved to be interesting territory, mostly because of the fiery and passionate nature of young people. A lot of the impact of the activism exhibited in the #ShutItAllDown protests relies on disruption and general inconvenience to spur the most indifferent of people to action. I believe that disruption creates important conversations. Our hope is for our actions to cause somebody who is unfamiliar with what we are doing to start asking themselves why we care so much about the safety of women, so much so that we are sitting in the middle of the road or shutting down a mall, and try to understand what is happening and what it is that we are doing. These questions would start a conversation and fuel important discussions on an urgent national ill in which women are dying. 

  But many older people tend to question the disruptive tactics used by younger people. And another limitation that we have experienced recognises that disruptive tactics imply personal liability. As young people, we put a lot less at risk in terms of employability and general respectability. Many older people do agree with the causes we are mobilising for, but they generally don’t take the risk of standing side by side with us, or at least not explicitly. There are political and practical factors that limit even the degree to which they can publicly voice their support.

  How do you see the future of the #ShutItAllDown movement?

  The beauty of organic and spontaneous movements, as well as with movements that do not have a leader, is that anyone can wake up and decide to start #ShutItAllDown in their respective town, because the movement is leaderless and faceless. Right now, there haven’t been any protests since October 2020, but that does not mean that there won’t be any more protests in the future. GBV is an ongoing issue and unfortunately, a case that reignites the protest can surface anywhere, anytime.

  Civic space in Namibia is rated ‘narrowed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor. Follow@BerthaJTobias on Twitter andbertha_tobias on Instagram.

   

• NAMIBIA: ‘There is only so much civil society can do when those in power support extractive companies’

  CIVICUS speaks with Rinaani Musutua of the Economic and Social Justice Trust (ESJT) about thee resistance of communities in the Okavango River Basin in Southern Africa against oil and gas exploration by the Canadian company ReconAfrica.

  Founded in 2012, ESJT is a civil society organisation (CSO) that promotes social and economicr ights in Namibia and has been part of the coalition mobilising against ReconAfrica’s extractivep roject.

  What are your concerns regarding ReconAfrica’s operations in the Okavango River Basin?

  The Okavango River Basin, known in Namibia as the Kavango, flows from Angola through northern Namibia and empties out into the Okavango Delta in northwest Botswana. We first heard that ReconAfrica, an oil and gas company headquartered in Canada, had a petroleum exploration licence there in 2020. We were never informed when it sought and obtained its exploration licence and environmental clearance certificate. We looked it up and found it strange that the company received its environmental clearance certificate on a public holiday in Namibia. This makes us wonder who authorised its operations.

  Communities in the Kavango region have never been consulted by ReconAfrica. This is worrying because, according to the law, to get to their environmental and clearance certificate companies must first consult with the people who live in the places they wish to operate in. But locals were never informed about the pros and cons of the project and had no idea what the project was about. Only recently did ReconAfrica hold one meeting with community members, after we complained. But even after this meeting, community members were confused about the project because the information provided wasn’t detailed or clear enough.

  ReconAfrica decided to apply for land rights after civil society activists and organisations started questioning its legitimacy to operate and occupy land in the region. Prior to this it claimed to have received permission from traditional chiefs, but when media and activists approached them, the chiefs denied it. As it stands, the company is illegally occupying communal land and should be charged for it, but the government doesn’t seem to care.

  How will local communities be affected if the project goes ahead?

  The Kavango region is home to many communities, including the Indigenous San, who make their living from farming and fishing, and many more that rely on the water that flows from the Okavango Delta. ReconAfrica’s activities threatens the habitat of several wildlife species and could potentially contaminate the water people and animals depend on.

  ReconAfrica has been drilling very close to the Omatako River, which is ephemeral due to the low average annual rainfall. It looks like there is not activity, but scientists have confirmed there is activity underneath the river.

  When the company was conducting its seismic surveys, many local communities complained that their homes and croplands were damaged due to negligence by drivers. When people complained, ReconAfrica used local people to manipulate community members into signing papers without explaining the content. It was later found that the signed papers gave the company the right to pass through their crops and because of this those affected haven’t been compensated for their loss.

  Unfortunately, works continue because our government supports the company. There is only so much civil society can do when those in power support extractive companies at the expense of local communities. 

  How is civil society mobilising against oil and gas exploration and drilling in the Kavango region?

  As civil society we have held public meetings to inform people about the potential danger of this project. ESJT teamed up with other Namibian CSOs to petition the government to halt ReconAfrica’s activities immediately. The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Natural Resources Parliamentary Standing Committee on Natural Resources conducted an investigation but didn’t do such a good job because it failed to go to affected areas. Most of its meetings were held in town and people from the affected areas weren’t able to attend because they don’t have resources to travel to town.

  We have also written a lot of newspaper articles highlighting the dangers of ReconAfrica’s activity.

  Since we are not able hold public meetings all over Namibia, we are hopeful that these articles will reach people so they can stay informed.

  Together with other local and international CSOs we have released a joint statement calling on the Namibian government to examine the oil and gas exploration activities taking place in the Kavango region. We have also complained about ReconAfrica to the Canadian authorities authorities, who started investigating the company. What was disappointing, however, is that it did not investigate ReconAfrica’s environmental and human rights violations in the Kavango region, but only its potentially fraudulent stock market business.

  Unfortunately, it seems like our demands are falling on deaf ears. People have accused us of being against development. This makes it difficult for us to unite against ReconAfrica and the government, because they know we don’t have everyone’s full support.

  What kind of support from international civil society and the wider international community would help the movement?

  Fortunately,international organisations such as Re:wild have expressed support for our fight and brought awareness to what is going on in the Kavango region. Prince Harry Harry has also shown support for our fight against ReconAfrica and its activities.

  But beyond international support, we still need people in the Kavango region to also stand up and speak against this project. Right now, most people organising the resistance are based in Windhoek, Namibia’s capital. People in the Kavango region should mobilise so the government can see this is an urgent matter that affects them. We need resources to continue delivering workshops to inform people about the dangers of this project. Our work is limited because we aren’t adequately equipped.

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  Get in touch with Economic and Social Justice Trust through its website or its Facebook page,and follow @esjtnam on Twitter.

• NAMIBIA: ‘We have seen some progress on LGBTQI+ rights, but there is a lot of work still to be done’

  CIVICUS speaks about recent moves to ban same-sex marriage in Namibia with Kevin Wessels, a young activist and a seasoned consultant and social entrepreneur working to advance human rights in Namibia.

  Kevin works with several Namibian LGBTQI+ rights organisations, driven by a vision of a just society where everyone, including LGBTQI+ people, enjoys equal rights and opportunities. To that end, he connects with like-minded people and organisations in Namibia, across Africa and around the world.

  Namibia has a reputation for being a democratic country with relatively open civic space. Do LGBTQI+ people enjoy the same freedoms as everyone else?

  Despite Namibia being a democratic country where civic freedoms are mostly respected, the situation of LGBTQI+ people is mixed: it is better than in many other countries in the region, but legal and social discrimination persist. Namibia has seen some progress on LGBTQI+ rights, such as the recognition of gender identity.

  Most recently, in May 2023, Namibia’s Supreme Court ruled that the government must recognise the unions of same-sex couples who married in countries where it was legal for them to do so, even though same-sex marriage remains illegal in Namibia itself. The ruling, which drew mixed reactions in a country that’s socially conservative, was in sharp contrast to developments in Uganda, where one of the world’s most draconian anti-LGBTQI+ laws has been passed.

  But Namibian LGBTQI+ people continue to face numerous challenges, so there is a lot of work still to be done.

  First and foremost, there is the matter of legal status: same-sex sexual activity remains prohibited under the common law, which Namibia inherited when it gained independence from South Africa in 1990. Although South Africa decriminalised same-sex sexual activity, Namibia has not.

  The law criminalises acts of ‘sodomy’ and is applied only to men. While punishment for this offence is not clear, there is evidence of the law being enforced, with over 100 reported cases resulting in more than 50 arrests since 2003. However, consensual sodomy has seldom been prosecuted, so the provision appears to be largely obsolete. Nevertheless, its mere existence is a violation of human rights and underpins further acts of discrimination, and is inconsistent with Namibia’s constitution, which provides for equality and non-discrimination.

  LGBTQI+ people in Namibia continue to face discrimination, harassment and stigma, both in society and in their families. This often results in challenges in accessing healthcare, education and employment opportunities.

  Key issues on the Namibian LGBTQI+ rights movement’s agenda include decriminalisation of same-sex relations and the establishment of stronger legal protections against discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity, equal access to healthcare, including gender-affirming care, educational initiatives and awareness campaigns to increase understanding of LGBTQI+ issues and acceptance of LGBTQI+ people, and firm policies to address hate crimes and violence against LGBTQI+ people.

  How are Namibian LGBTQI+ organisations working to promote LGBTQI+ rights?

  There are several active LGBTQI+ advocacy groups in Namibia, including Equal Rights Namibia, Drag Night Namibia, Out-Right Namibia and the Namibian Transgender Movement, among others. I am directly associated with several of these. We focus on raising awareness, advocating for legal reforms and supporting LGBTQI+ people.

  LGBTQI+ organisations seek to influence policymakers to achieve legal reforms and protections against discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity. Some have pursued legal cases to challenge discriminatory practices and establish legal precedents for LGBTQI+ rights in Namibia.

  LGBTQI+ groups also conduct educational campaigns and workshops to raise awareness and promote understanding of LGBTQI+ issues among society as a whole. They foster visibility and create community by holding parades and festivals during Pride Week celebrations. They provide support, counselling and resources to LGBTQI+ people facing discrimination, mental health challenges or other issues related to their identity. They create safe and inclusive spaces for LGBTQI+ people to connect and share experiences.

  Building a supportive community is a fundamental aspect of this work, and so is the celebration of our achievements. LGBTQI+ organisations celebrate milestones and achievements in the fight for equal rights, such as our recent legal victory, successful awareness campaigns and the establishment of new support networks and safe spaces. We are most proud of the progress we have made in gaining legal and societal acceptance of LGBTQI+ rights and people.

  Have you faced backlash for the work you do?

  Yes, I have! People and organisations advocating for LGBTQI+ rights in Namibia, as in many parts of the world, often face backlash as a direct result of their advocacy work. This may come in various forms, including discrimination and social stigma, particularly within communities, harassment or threats to personal safety, legal challenges or restrictions and resistance from conservative anti-rights groups that may present legal challenges, disrupt activities, issue statements publicly questioning LGBTQI+ rights and stoke social opposition.

  Despite these challenges, many LGBTQI+ activists and organisations in Namibia and around the world continue to work tirelessly to promote equal rights and acceptance for LGBTQI+ people. We exhibit resilience, determination and a commitment to creating a more inclusive and accepting society.

  Do you see the anti-rights reaction in Namibia as part of a regional or global trend?

  There are domestic, regional and global factors at play. While anti-LGBTQI+ groups across countries tend to raise the same themes and use a shared set of tactics, the level of opposition and the specific issues can differ according to the cultural, religious and political context. Some regions may experience more organised and coordinated anti-rights efforts, while others may face a less centralised opposition. Anti-rights groups often have international connections and support, sharing strategies and resources across borders, although the extent of this coordination can vary widely.

  In other words, it’s important to recognise that LGBTQI+ rights movements and their opponents exist on a spectrum, and there is a diversity of views within societies. And while there may be pockets of strong opposition, there are also many people and organisations globally working to promote LGBTQI+ rights and equality. Efforts to advance LGBTQI+ rights often involve engaging in open dialogue, education and advocacy to address misconceptions and promote understanding among these different segments of society.

  What triggered the recent initiative to ban same-sex marriage in Namibia? How have LGBTQI+ groups and other human rights organisations reacted, and what are the next steps in this struggle?

  In July 2023, the National Council, Namibia’s upper house of parliament, passed a law banning same-sex marriage and punishing its supporters. The bill was aimed at countering the recent Supreme Court ruling that authorised the recognition of certain same-sex unions contracted abroad. Its proponents stated that its purpose was to ensure respect for the definition of marriage as between a man and a woman. The text of the bill defines marriage as a union between persons of opposite sexes and defines a spouse as ‘half of a legal union between two persons born genetically male and female’. It states that marriages concluded abroad between two persons of the same sex cannot be recognised in Namibia and makes the solemnisation, participation in, promotion or advertisement of such a marriage a criminal offence punishable with up to six years in prison and fines up to NAD 100,000 (approx. US$5,200).

  This is the fastest a law has been passed in Namibia. It was adopted by the National Council without any opposition, and the National Assembly, parliament’s lower house, also quickly endorsed it. However, it still needs to be promulgated by the president to come into force. The LGBTQI+ community has condemned it as an unconstitutional attack on our rights, but there is nothing we can do to stop the president from signing it into law. We will have to contest it in court for it to be deemed unconstitutional.

  What kind of support do Namibian LGBTQI+ organisations receive from international partners, and what further support is needed?

  Namibian LGBTQI+ organisations are well connected with international movements for LGBTQI+ rights. We often participate in international conferences, workshops and events to share experiences, strategise together and exchange information, research and best practices to enhance advocacy efforts. Global spaces also give additional visibility to our efforts. As part of its awareness campaigns, for instance, Drag Night Namibia, one of the organisations I collaborate with, recently staged a performance in Berlin, Germany.

  International movements help raise awareness about LGBTQI+ issues in countries where there may be limited local support. They show solidarity by condemning human rights violations. In this context, various Namibian LGBTQI+ organisations have condemned the Ugandan government’s laws and actions against LGBTQI+ people.

  Additionally, international partners may from time to time provide financial support to Namibian LGBTQI+ organisations in the form of grants or donations to help us carry out our work effectively. But we still need a lot of further support, not just financial but also in terms of the provision of platforms for advocacy and visibility.

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  Civic space in Namibia is rated ‘narrowed’ by theCIVICUS Monitor.

  Get in touch with Kevin at and follow@wessels_nam on Twitter andwessels_official on Instagram.

• NAMIBIA: “Las protestas contra la violencia de género se alimentaron de la esperanza colectiva”

  CIVICUS conversa con Bertha Tobias acerca de las recientes protestas contra el femicidio y la violencia de género (VG) en Namibia. Bertha es una líder juvenil que ha recibido premios internacionales por su participación en competencias de debate. Se graduó en el United World College de Changshu, China, y actualmente cursa estudios superiores en el Claremont Mckenna College de California. Ha recibido el premio Go Make A Difference, que apoya la ejecución de proyectos de desarrollo comunitario, y ha participado activamente en las protestas por los derechos de las mujeres en Namibia.

  

  ¿Podrías contarnos cómo empezaron las protestas de #ShutItAllDown (#CerremosTodo) contra la VG y cómo te involucraste en ellas?

  Me involucré en la lucha contra la VG luego de que se conociera la noticia de que se habían descubierto restos humanos en una ciudad costera de Namibia. Se sospechaba que los restos eran de Shannon Wasserfall, una joven de 20 años que había desaparecido en abril de 2020. Este incidente específico provocó reacciones masivas. La publicación del titular de la noticia en la cuenta de Twitter de uno de los principales medios de comunicación nacionales impulsó a muchas personas jóvenes a la acción, las llevó a organizarse y a salir a manifestarse a las calles. Inyectó urgencia en la conversación sobre la VG y el femicidio en Namibia.

  El de Shannon no fue un caso aislado, ya que en Namibia desaparecen mujeres jóvenes todo el tiempo. Pero cuando este caso salió a la luz, reavivó la conversación nacional sobre el tema. Alguien en Twitter afirmó, con razón, que algo tenía que pasar, algo tenía que cambiar, y yo respondí a su comentario y me involucré desde el principio, porque es un tema que me preocupa profundamente, ya que creo firmemente que las vidas de las mujeres tienen un valor intrínseco y valen tanto como las de los hombres.

  Junto con otros jóvenes, enviamos correos electrónicos, conseguimos el apoyo necesario y nos organizamos en menos de 24 horas, sobre todo y principalmente a través de las redes sociales. Hicimos un folleto que circuló ampliamente y mucha gente acudió a la protesta. Los jóvenes nos apropiamos de la iniciativa y así fue como todo empezó: se trató de un ejemplo tanto del poder de internet como del poder de la juventud.

  Si no recuerdo mal, el primer día de protesta un periódico informó que se habían reunido algo más de 800 personas, y en todas las protestas subsiguientes hubo cientos de personas. Participaron tanto mujeres como hombres jóvenes: las protestas fueron lideradas predominantemente por mujeres, pero los jóvenes estuvieron presentes en cantidades considerables. Lo que es importante señalar respecto de la demografía de las protestas es que los participantes eran mayoritariamente gente joven. Fueron las y los jóvenes quienes asistieron a reuniones con funcionarios, redactaron peticiones y hablaron con los medios de comunicación. Y fueron las mujeres jóvenes las que estuvieron al frente, mientras que los jóvenes les brindaron su apoyo.

  Creemos que si en Namibia las mujeres jóvenes no pueden salir a comprar un cartón de leche sin temer por sus vidas, entonces hay algo que está terriblemente mal en nosotros como país. La filosofía de #ShutItAllDown es bastante radical: significa que hay que paralizar todo hasta que logremos entender qué es lo que no está funcionando para las mujeres namibias en materia de seguridad. Hasta que no obtengamos respuestas a esta pregunta, no creemos que sea correcto, saludable o en el mejor interés de nadie seguir haciendo las cosas como siempre. No queremos que la actividad económica continúe como si nada ocurriera mientras las mujeres jóvenes no se sienten seguras.

  ¿Qué piensas que hizo a #ShutItAllDown diferente de las anteriores protestas por los derechos de las mujeres en Namibia?

  Ha habido otras protestas por los derechos de las mujeres en el pasado. De hecho, a principios de 2020 tuvimos una protesta a favor del aborto que se centró específicamente en los derechos de las mujeres en materia de salud sexual y reproductiva y abogó por la legalización del aborto y el reconocimiento de la agencia y la autonomía corporal de las mujeres. Según la Ley de Aborto y Esterilización de 1975, en Namibia el aborto es ilegal excepto en casos de incesto, violación o cuando la vida de la madre o del niño está en peligro.

  En Namibia hay movimientos feministas que están activos y trabajan con constancia; sin embargo, un dato de la realidad que tuvimos que reconocer es que muchos movimientos feministas son liderados por jóvenes que también tienen otras obligaciones, tales como empleos de tiempo completo. Las organizaciones de la sociedad civil también enfrentan desafíos, sobre todo en materia de recursos y apoyo institucional.

  La protesta previa, que tuvo lugar a principios de 2020, fue significativa en el sentido de que allanó el camino y estableció bases importantes para que #ShutItAllDown pudiera adquirir la confianza colectiva necesaria para seguir adelante. Las organizadoras feministas estuvieron presentes y se activaron para amplificar la voz de #ShutItAllDown. Estuvieron muy activas en la difusión de información y fueron cruciales a la hora de movilizar a su gente para que acudiera a las protestas y las mantuviera vivas. Las organizadoras feministas de Namibia hacen un gran trabajo entre bastidores, pero su labor enfrenta limitaciones porque cuentan con recursos insuficientes. De ahí que muchas de nuestras peticiones se dirijan al gobierno y a otras instituciones que sí disponen de los recursos que necesitamos para instituir los cambios que buscamos.

  La diferencia entre #ShutItAllDown y otras protestas anteriores radica en el hecho de que ahora las y los jóvenes de Namibia participan cada vez más en los asuntos públicos y se hacen oír para exigir que el gobierno y otras instituciones rindan cuentas de sus acciones y cumplan con sus mandatos y sus obligaciones hacia la ciudadanía.

  Además, el movimiento ha podido crecer de forma más o menos orgánica porque las redes sociales son cada vez más utilizadas como herramienta para mantener conversaciones y presionar por la rendición de cuentas. Namibia tiene una población bastante joven con enormes capacidades digitales. La flexibilidad y la capacidad de autoorganización de la juventud acabaron por empujarnos a todos a hacer algo.

  ¿Cuáles eran las demandas de #ShutItAllDown, y qué respuesta obtuvieron?

  La principal demanda que teníamos para el gobierno de Namibia era la declaración del estado de emergencia en relación con el femicidio y la violencia sexual y de género (VSG), simplemente porque creíamos que el problema que enfrentábamos justificaba este tipo de acción. Queríamos que se transmitiera el mensaje de que el femicidio constituye una crisis de dimensiones nacionales y que, más allá de la pandemia de COVID-19, las mujeres siempre, todos los días, tememos por nuestras vidas. También exigíamos una consulta inmediata con personas expertas en violencia sexual y que el Ministerio de Justicia pusiera en marcha un registro de delincuentes sexuales y tribunales para delitos sexuales.

  Varias demandas se centraron en potenciar los métodos existentes para frenar la violencia sexual y de género. También se dirigieron nuevas demandas a varios ministerios y a otras partes interesadas, tales como la implementación de patrullas en los barrios las 24 horas del día y los siete días de la semana, servicios virtuales y a distancia contra la VG y programas escolares y universitarios para sensibilizar a los jóvenes sobre la VSG.

  Nuestro petitorio reconocía que existe violencia tanto dentro como fuera del hogar. Pero entendemos que frenar la violencia dentro del hogar es más difícil debido a los años o décadas de trabajo de base que se necesitan para revertir la normalización de la VG. Es posible que no estemos vivos para presenciar los frutos de este esfuerzo, debido al tiempo que se requiere para transformar una sociedad y su cultura, para interrogar y derribar colectivamente los principios tradicionales en que se arraigan las normas abusivas.

  Desgraciadamente, no obtuvimos la declaración del estado de emergencia que reclamábamos. Pero otras demandas, tales como el refuerzo de la seguridad mediante patrullas, la modificación del currículo educativo y la creación de grupos de trabajo o comités para intensificar los esfuerzos para frenar la VSG, recibieron una respuesta positiva. Otra demanda importante que recibió una respuesta positiva fue la formación de agentes de policía para que sean más comprensivos y empáticos a la hora de tramitar casos y recibir denuncias de VG. Sabemos que la acogida que reciben las sobrevivientes de abusos en las comisarías y la falta de atención y urgencia con que son tratados sus casos se cuentan entre las principales razones por las cuales muchas mujeres no denuncian la violencia sexual.

  ¿Hubo otras cuestiones relevantes que el movimiento #ShutItAllDown dejó en evidencia?

  Sí, el activismo LGBTQI+ y los integrantes de este colectivo tuvieron un rol prominente a la hora de movilizar gente para la protesta y amplificar las voces del movimiento #ShutItAllDown. Para mí, fue importante ver a mujeres queer y a otras personas LGBTQI+ que navegan con dificultad una sociedad violentamente homofóbica y transfóbica, protestando y subrayando la importancia de la interseccionalidad y la labor de incidencia colectiva. Out-Right Namibia, una de las principales organizaciones de derechos humanos de las personas LGBTQI+ de Namibia, aprovechó su posición para impulsar a #ShutItAllDown y crear una red fuerte y bien conectada en defensa de nuestros derechos colectivos en tanto que mujeres negras y/o queer.

  Las protestas de #ShutItAllDown también sacaron a la luz la ilegalidad del aborto en Namibia y más generalmente la precariedad de nuestro derecho a la salud reproductiva. En este marco intensificamos nuestras conversaciones sobre la cuestión de los derechos de las mujeres a la salud reproductiva. Estas fueron algunas de las cuestiones vitales que #ShutItAllDown puso de manifiesto, dejando en evidencia lo mucho que queda por hacer para que los derechos de todas las mujeres sean reconocidos y respetados.

  ¿Hay espacio para el activismo intergeneracional dentro del movimiento #ShutItAllDown?

  El activismo intergeneracional ha demostrado ser un terreno interesante, sobre todo a causa de la naturaleza ardiente y apasionada de la juventud. Gran parte del impacto del activismo que se encarnó en las protestas de #ShutItAllDown se basó en la generación de disrupción e incomodidad general para incitar a la acción incluso a la gente más indiferente. Creo que la disrupción abre conversaciones importantes. Tenemos la esperanza de que nuestras acciones lleven a quienes no están familiarizados con lo que estamos haciendo a preguntarse por qué nos preocupamos por la seguridad de las mujeres al punto de ir a sentarnos en medio de la calle o a bloquear y clausurar un centro comercial, y a intentar comprender qué está pasando y qué es lo que pretendemos. Estas preguntas iniciarían una conversación y alimentarían importantes debates acerca de un mal nacional urgente que les cuesta la vida a muchas mujeres.

  Pero muchas personas adultas tienden a cuestionar las tácticas disruptivas utilizadas por las más jóvenes. Y otra limitación que hemos experimentado es que las tácticas disruptivas suponen la asunción de un riesgo personal. Los y las jóvenes nos jugamos mucho menos en términos de empleabilidad y pérdida de respetabilidad. Muchas personas mayores están de acuerdo con las causas que nos movilizan, pero generalmente no se arriesgan a ponerse de nuestro lado, o al menos no lo hacen explícitamente. Hay factores políticos y prácticos que limitan incluso el grado en que pueden expresar públicamente su apoyo.

  ¿Cómo ves el futuro de #ShutItAllDown?

  Lo bueno de los movimientos orgánicos y espontáneos, así como de los movimientos que no tienen un líder, es que cualquiera puede despertar un día y decidir iniciar #ShutItAllDown en su respectiva localidad, porque el movimiento no tiene un líder único ni un rostro visible. Desde octubre de 2020 no hemos tenido ninguna nueva protesta, pero eso no significa que no vaya a haber más protestas en el futuro. La VG es un problema constante y, por desgracia, en cualquier momento y en cualquier lugar puede surgir un caso que reavive la protesta.

  El espacio cívico en Namibia es calificado de “reducido” por elCIVICUS Monitor.
  Siga a@BerthaJTobias en Twitter y abertha_tobias en Instagram.

   

• Widespread arrests, attacks and legal restrictions facing LGBTQI+ activists across Africa finds new report

  

  Widespread arrests, attacks and legal restrictions facing LGBTQI+ activists across Africa finds new report

  Johannesburg | 4 July, 2023

  • Same-sex relations criminalised in at least 27 countries south of the Sahara
  • Organisations shut down and offices raided for their work on LGBTQI+ rights
  • Widespread bans on the publication of information on gay rights
  • Anti-LGBTQI+ laws and practices disproportionately impact other excluded groups including women, children and victims of abuse 

  From Uganda to Cameroon, LGBTQI+ activists face significant restrictions due to the prevailing social, cultural and legal attitudes towards homosexuality and gender identity. A new report by CIVICUS, Challenging Barriers: Investigating Civic Space Limitations on LGBTQI+ Rights in Africa, looks at some common challenges faced by activists and civil society groups in countries south of the Sahara.

  Many African countries have laws that criminalise same sex activity. The laws, often remnants of colonial era legislation, can be used to target and prosecute LGBTQI+ individuals, including activists. Penalties range from fines, imprisonment to even the death penalty in some countries. 

  Limited legal protection in many African countries offers little or no protection against discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity. This lack of protection makes it difficult for activists and civil society groups to advocate for equal rights or seek justice when they face human rights abuses. The offices and activities of civil society organisations advocating for LGBTQI+ rights have been either raided or shutdown in Uganda, Burundi, Rwanda and Cameroon.

  Attacks against people who identify as LGBTQI+ are common in countries such as Benin, Cameroon and Kenya. In Cameroon since 2022 there have been over 30 recorded cases of violence and abuse against LGBTQI+ people, while in Kenya sexual minority groups face escalating homophobic attacks. In January 2023, following a series of killings in 2022, unknown assailants murdered and dumped the body of LGBTQI+ activist Edwin Chiloba. Chiloba’s death, which many linked to his sexual orientation sparked public outrage, with civil society groups and members of the public denouncing the murder and calling on the authorities to bring those involved to justice.

  “With the escalating hostility towards the LGBTQ+ community in Africa, this report sheds light on the grave reality faced by many, and compels us to challenge prejudice, and advocate for equality - especially for the most marginalised. Governments must ensure equal protection for all people in accordance with their obligations on non-discrimination under international human rights law. We implore governments to take robust measures to safeguard the rights and well-being of all people, regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity,” said Sylvia Mbataru, CIVICUS’ Civic Space Researcher for Eastern & Southern Africa.

  Censorship and restrictions on freedom of peaceful assembly have contributed to a deteriorating environment for activists. In several countries, the publication and dissemination of material on LGBTQI+ issues face strict editorial controls and bans. CIVICUS also documents how protests are being suppressed, including the use of various laws to deny permits for public demonstrations, specifically targeting LGBTQI gatherings.

  Despite the hostile environment in many countries, civil society groups continue to advocate for LGBTQI+ rights and score important victories. The report also documents  a number of positive developments including the decriminalization of same sex relations in Botswana and Gabon, as well as a recent Supreme Court decision in Namibia to recognise same-sex marriages concluded abroad between citizens and foreign spouses.

  The report concludes by demonstrating the impact of civic space restrictions against LGBTQI+ groups, and shows how the ramifications of these restrictions also affect other excluded groups including women and children.

  DOWNLOAD REPORT