civicus highlights

• Bolivian government using law and force to cow civil society into silence

  Spanish

  CIVICUS speaks to Marco Antonio Gandarillas, Director of the Centre of Information and Documentation Bolivia (CEDIB), a human rights organisation founded in 1970 with the aim of providing information and consulting services with a critical eye on the social reality of Bolivia and Latin America. He speaks on the protests gripping the country in recent years, the response of state security forces and the dire situation of environmental activists.

  1. Since the beginning of 2017, there have been protests over water, mobilisations for and against the president’s re-election, violent protests against the coca Bill, and countless local protests. Are we seeing a peak in social mobilisation in Bolivia?
  Conflict is a part of this country’s political culture: as sociologist Fernando Calderón would put it, politics in Bolivia is “done in the streets”. We have government agencies and civil society organisations dedicated to counting social conflicts in Bolivia, because this is a country that is in permanent conflict.

  The current situation must be apprehended in historical perspective. When President Evo Morales attained power in 2006, it was initially a rather convulsive stage. Certain actors, notably centres of regional power, disputed power spaces with the state. Starting with the constitutional process in 2006-2008, disputes between regional power groups and the central state subsided, and some stability ensued. There were some violent incidents here and there, but generally speaking it was a phase of low levels of conflict that lasted several years.

  Around 2011 the situation changed again, with sustained increases in conflict, particularly fuelled by socio-economic factors. The turning point was the mobilisation of the indigenous peoples of TIPNIS (Territorio Indígena y Parque Nacional Isiboro-Secure), a highly biodiverse protected area. The people of TIPNIS mobilised to reject the construction of a highway that would cut through their territory. The conflict was particularly relevant because this was a sector that had been an ally of the government, and that by mobilising independently raised a national conflict with the state. They received numerous expressions of public support and this became one of the main topics of public debate.

  It should be noted that this process of de-alignment was important at the level of social leadership, but not so much at the grassroots level of indigenous organisations. Indigenous peoples actually live very far removed from conventional partisan politics and were not necessarily aligned with the government to begin with. In fact, many indigenous peoples – we are talking about more than thirty groups in the highlands, and about as many in the lowlands - never saw President Evo Morales as one of their own. President Morales represents the sector of the cocaleros, colonisers from the highlands who occupied the lowlands to grow coca in territories originally belonging to smaller and more vulnerable indigenous peoples. So there is actually not a single standpoint attributable to “the indigenous peoples”. Politically, indigenous organisations were a circumstantial ally of a government that at first advocated certain rights, promoted legal progress and proposed dialogue and social pacts. But the government also supported the expansion of agribusiness in the lowland territories of indigenous peoples, even allowing illegal activities such as coca cultivation for cocaine production.

  In short, since 2011, and more intensely on the eve of the latest presidential election (the third) that President Morales won in late 2014, we have had a number of conficts that is even higher than the number of conflicts that took place in 2003, a time of social upheaval leading to the fall and flight of then-President Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada. Although larger in number, however, the nature of conflicts has also changed. At present, there is a great proliferation of disaggregated conflicts, many of which are accompanied by high levels of violence.

  2. How has the state reacted to the protests?
  It has become commonplace for conflicts to be contained by heavy police intervention, often resulting in fatalities. The security forces, and particularly the police, enjoy total impunity: no cases of deaths caused by repression have been truly probed, and perpetrators have never even been prosecuted.

  For instance, last year the conflict involving mining cooperatives resulted in seven deaths, six on the side of the miners plus a high authority – the deputy Interior Minister – who was lynched. There are detainees, but there is no evidence of legal proceedings complying with due process guarantees having been initiated against the material and intellectual authors of these crimes. Five of those people were killed by police-issued weapons, but perpetrators have not been identified.

  This increase in conflict levels is the result of growing social unrest, which has surprisingly not expressed itself at the polls. From President Morales’ 2014 solid victory – he was re-elected with about 60% of the vote – the government deduced that society supported their economic model, regardless of the fact that according to the available data, the main reason for most conflicts was socio-economic in nature, revolving around wages, land, natural resources, public services and the allocation of public funds.

  Therefore, as he was inaugurated for the third time, President Morales embraced the deepening of the government’s model as his main objective. This triggered new conflicts and worsened existing ones. I think this is at the basis of the high levels of violence that now characterise social conflict, along with the impunity with which repressive agencies act.

  3. Was the repression of protests accompanied by legal changes that may have fueled police violence and increased impunity?
  Legal changes have indeed also taken place, as part of a regional trend. Under pressure from the United States of America, all countries in the Southern Cone have introduced repressive reforms into their criminal codes, typifying various forms of social protest as criminal offences. An ambiguous figure that almost all countries incorporated was that of “fight against terrorism”.

  In Bolivia, the government soon realised that it could not control society solely through the co-optation of social leadership – what I call “clientelistic social control” – and therefore began to deploy a strategy of repressive social control. The new tools it used went beyond police repression: they included for instance smear campaigns and “public lynching” of dissenting voices by government authorities. Any sector, institution or leader who appears as overly critical is accused by the president of being right-wing, destabilising or promoting coups. This in turn justifies the adoption of further measures such as the physical seizure of organisations’ headquarters, which has often occurred. Many grassroots organisations that were independent from the government, including large indigenous organisations such as CIDOB (Confederation of Indigenous Peoples of Bolivia) have been forcibly taken over by government-affiliated groups that had their legitimately elected authorities removed and replaced with activists from their own ranks or even with government officials. In general, they sought to make this look as if this had been the outcome of a confrontation between groups, when in fact the police intervened to remove legitimate leaders and replace them with impostors. A recent example of this was the attempted takeover of APDHB (Permanent Assembly of Human Rights of Bolivia) in February 2017.

  Once the government was engaged in media lynching, it was only natural for a conviction to develop regarding the need to regulate those situations in which protesting is not acceptable. Various laws – including the Investment Promotion Law and the Mining Law, both passed in 2014 –, along with a number of supreme decrees, for instance those about cooperatives, classified a variety of forms of legitimate social opposition as criminal offences, in many cases carrying prison sentences ranging from 4 to 8 years. I do not know of any specific case in which the Investment Law has been applied to someone for blocking a road; this legislation works rather as deterrence of mobilisation against state-promoted initiatives.

  4. Are there any specific issues or mobilised groups that are targeted with higher levels of violence?
  Mobilisations with a national ambition and involving political questioning of the government are most harshly repressed. Such was the case of the mobilisation by mining cooperatives. In the pre-electoral period in 2014, miners were promised many things that eventually found their way into a Mining Law (Law No. 535/2014) granting them unrestricted access to exploitation areas. Failure to comply with these provisions led to their mobilisation in 2016.

  At the same time, other sectors – particularly indigenous peoples – typically react when their territories and livelihoods are affected by extractive activities. 2011 was a turning point for them too. Until then, there were umbrella indigenous organisations at the regional and national levels. Since then, government action has focused on de-structuring indigenous organisation: most departmental, regional and national organisations have since been seized, or parallel organisations have been established. Indigenous communities’ capacity for national action against mining or hydrocarbon exploitation has therefore been greatly affected. These days, in the context of a large hydroelectric project north of La Paz, the government strategically avoids dealing with local actors, who are directly affected and therefore oppose the project, and deals instead with a regional leadership that no longer represents anybody but turns out to be their preferred political partner.

  In dozens of territories, still known as TCOs (tierras comunitarias de origen or “original community lands”), simultaneous processes of resistance are taking place against a number of extractive projects. But these resistances are taking place on a local scale that is often almost imperceptible to the media and public opinion.

  5. Have other fundamental civic space freedoms been affected?
  Restrictions have been introduced in all areas, but the freedom of association has been hit the worst. From 2011 onwards, the government has targeted not only the directly affected groups mobilised against extractive activities but also the organisations supporting them through research, advocacy and by shaping public opinion. Thus, many research centres and environmental, human rights and indigenous rights NGOs have become enemies to be defeated by the state. In addition to systematically smearing them in public, the government has passed legislation – notably Law No. 351 on Legal Personalities (2013) – in order to deplete the urban civil society that works in solidarity or campaigns on behalf of indigenous and other excluded groups. Law No. 351 replaces the entire previous legal framework of the Civil Code and requires civil society to align its objectives and activities with government policies. More than in the forcible shutting down of organisations, the new legal framework has resulted in “silent suicide”. In a context in which, since judicial authorities are now elected by popular vote, the judiciary has become subordinate to the executive and due process guarantees fail, civil society has felt intimidated. Many organisations have decided to either close their doors or change their goals and lower their profile so as not to disturb power. In so doing, civil society has lost strength and independence.

  Over the past few years, CEDIB has received countless inspections by various state agencies. Neither public offices nor private companies are subjected to the kind of controls that this small organisation has had to submit to. We have had audits of all kinds, including some that are blatantly illegal, as when we had to respond to a requirement to submit accounting documentation dating back more than twenty years, although the Commercial Code establishes an obligation to keep records going back just five years.

  However, CEDIB is a prestigious centre and has a certain specific weight. In fact, the state is one of the main users of our services and data. So our relationship with the state is complex and contradictory, as the authorities demand resources from us all the while wishing we were politically aligned with the government. This leads to some authorities, as the vice president did at some point, launching attacks against us, while at the same time others keep recognising that they need our information and advice. And in the eyes of society and even the media – including para-governmental outlets – we are still a serious and credible organisation whose existence is vital for democracy. That, in a way, is what has kept us going.

  6. How has civil society responded to the deterioration of its enabling environment?
  Unfortunately, historic NGO networks have not been able to curb authoritarian advances. Other governments in the past had tried to deprive civil society of its autonomy, but had failed to do so because NGO networks used to be stronger. Vis-à-vis our current government, however, civil society organisations have become weak and intimidated, partly because of the already mentioned administrative restrictions and reprisals used against them, and also as a result of reductions in development aid funding.

  Civil society has not just been attacked: it has also suffered divisions. In the face of reduced flows of international cooperation funds, many organisations were left without sources of external funding, which used to be prevalent in the sector, and therefore sought refuge in the state. Other organisations were co-opted not by means of state resources but by President Evo Morales’ developmentalist discourse, which accurately reflected their own ideals and trajectory. And for many others – I would say for the majority – what prevailed was the feeling of impotence vis-à-vis a government that proved itself capable of doing whatever they wanted with them, be it legally or extra-legally. In other words, fear prevailed given the credible threat of controls resulting in steep, impossible-to-pay fines and even in prison sentences for organisations’ staff.

  As a result, there is now a large set of NGOs that are actually para-governmental organisations and survive on contracts, consultancy work and other state resources. In addition, there are a number of NGOs that have been founded and are directed by high state authorities. All senior public officials, starting with President Evo Morales, manage NGOs that have been set up in order to run government programmes with international cooperation or public funds. It has been reported that, for instance, a foundation run by the president has its own television channel and handles large state advertising contracts.

  Still, along with three other organisations – the Permanent Assembly of Human Rights (APDHB), the Centre for Legal Studies and Social Research (CEJIS) and the Centre for Local Development Studies and Support (CEADL) – we did submit a petition to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights in defence of the freedoms of associacion and expression as a negative ruling was issued by the Constitutional Court. But it was just the four of us, out of a very vast group of NGOs that did not come together in defence of these freedoms. Fear semed to be the common denominator among them all.

  7. Have you missed out on international solidarity as a result of Latin American and global progressives’ sympathies for President Evo Morales? In which ways could the international community support civil society in Bolivia?
  We are currently facing a transition scenario. President Morales can no longer run for re-election, and there are several crises underway. One of those crises has derived from the fall in commodities’ prices, which has had a major impact on this ultra-extractivist country that has placed all its bets on primary exports. In other words, we will have not just a change of government but also a change in the state, as a result of impending public spending restrictions. Politically, the upcoming transision must involve the recovery of infringed rights, which requires the repeal or reform of various pieces of legislation and the abandonment of intimidatory practices. It is necessary to ensure a favourable environment for the activities of civil society and journalists, to make public management transparent, and to build an agenda for the strengthening of civil society.

  At the international level, the critical phase was overcome years ago. There was a period in which it was outrightly condemned to criticise, or even relativise, the very optimistic view that prevailed abroad about what was going on in Bolivia. We were told that criticism amounted to “play into the hands of the right” and in favour or international power centres. That ended even before TIPNIS: in 2010, the Mother Earth Summit (World Peoples’ Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth) held in Cochabamba exposed major contradictions between what the government said abroad and what they did domestically: between its environmental discourse, on the one hand, and the expansion of extractivism and the advances of deforestation, on the other.

  Another, more recent turning point was the Indigenous Communication Summit in November 2016. The Bolivian government acted as convenor of this annual summit of movements, and then tried to control it, bypassing the entire indigenous leadership from other countries. They did this so clumsily that even the groups that came in most convinced that in Bolivia there was an indigenous intercultural revolution underway, came out disillusioned. The government attempted to control them in the same way it has done with Bolivian indigenous organisations - they even accused them of having come to Bolivia to conspire to organise a coup, which made no sense.

  In this context, the first thing we need from the international community is that they condemn the regression we have experienced in terms of fundamental rights. The legal framework established by Law No. 351 is rather suited to a dictatorship: a government requiring civil society to organise along its own objectives is completely unacceptable.

  Second, we need a rapprochement with the civil societies of the countries in our region. In recent times, regional mafias have mobilised across borders, and we need common standards in order to fight them. Not only governments but also civil societies need to have an agenda beyond our own country’s borders, that is, with an international projection – regional to start with, and then global as well.

  • The Centre of Information and Documentation Bolivia is one of Bolivia’s most prestigious and socially rooted civil society institutions. CEDIB administers one of the most important archives containing documents of major historical importance, and its research has great impact on public opinion.
  • Get in touch with CEDIB through their Facebook page or website, or follow @cedib_com on Twitter
  • Civic space in Bolivia is rated as ‘narrowed’ in the CIVICUS Monitor
   

• CIVICUS PG Exchange announces: WEBINAR Theme: “Examining critical success factors for participatory governance”

  Date: 23 June 2011 

  In order to participate, please register/RSVP to to receive further information and log-in details. 

• Ingrid Srinath at the World Economic Forum, Davos, Switzerland

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• Introducing the new Chair and Vice-Chair of the CIVICUS Board

   

  

   

  We are pleased to announce that the CIVICUS Board has elected Dylan Mathews as Board Chair and Sonia Kwami as Board Vice-Chair. The decision was made as part of the first meeting of the new cohort of the CIVICUS Board, which began its term on 1^st July 2022.

  Dylan Mathews is the Chief Executive of Peace Direct, a UK-based international NGO that aims to shift power and resources to locally-led civil society organisations working in some of the most conflict-affected countries worldwide. Dylan has spent twenty years working in the international development, humanitarian and peacebuilding sectors, and is passionate about tackling the power imbalances and systemic problems that prevent local civil society from playing a more active role in their contexts. While born in the UK, Dylan is of Sri Lankan heritage, was brought up in Zambia, has lived in the Caribbean and Sudan and has supported civil society organisations in over 20 countries.

  "I am honoured and humbled to be taking up the position of Board Chair,” said Dylan Mathews. “CIVICUS is the most vital dynamic champion of civil society globally, and I can think of no other organisation worldwide that has done so much to support civil society at a time when freedoms are under threat in so many countries. I look forward to serving with my board colleagues to help advance CIVICUS' mission and its ambitious new strategy.”

  Sonia Kwami is a campaigner and leader in development practice, who is passionate about working with and inspiring diverse groups of people to become change agents and catalysts for justice. Over the past two decades, she has successfully managed development programmes, advocacy and campaigns (online and offline), and supported civil society efforts in over 60 countries, particularly in the global south.

  “It has been a privilege and an honour to serve on the CIVICUS Board over the last two years,” said Sonia Kwami. “In this period, I have had the opportunity to be part of a diverse board, where we have helped shape critical conversations on the scope and impact of the Board while working alongside CIVICUS staff, members and allies to identify the priorities that we have adopted as part of CIVICUS’ Strategic Plan for 2022-27. I look forward to working together to support civil society across the world in my new role as Vice-Chair of the Board.”

  Sonia is from Ghana and is currently the Africa Campaigns Director for ONE, a global movement campaigning to end extreme poverty and preventable disease by 2030, so that everyone, everywhere can lead a life of dignity and opportunity. As part of this work, she leads in developing, managing and executing ONE’s campaigns in Africa, which also involves working closely with diverse groups of people to demand justice, equality and accountability from governments and duty bearers.

  In their roles as Board Chair and Vice-Chair, Dylan Mathews and Sonia Kwami will work closely with Patricia Lerner, who continues as the Treasurer of the CIVICUS Board.

  For more information:

• NEW BLOG POST: With a grave human rights situation in Belarus at stake, civil society activists make their plea to OSCE

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• Nouvelle période stratégique de CIVICUS : Un temps pour engager activement les membres et nos alliés

  

  Un message de Lysa John, secrétaire générale de CIVICUS

  Chers membres et alliés de CIVICUS,

  Ce 1er juillet, nous démarrons une nouvelle période stratégique pour l'alliance CIVICUS. Dans cette mise à jour, je souhaite partager avec vous les principaux développements dans nos efforts pour aligner notre travail et analyser les résultats dont nous avons besoin par rapport à nos priorités stratégiques pour la période 2022-2027.

  La 11ème édition de notre rapport sur l'état de la société civile a été publiée le 27 juin et a reçu une réponse stimulante. En plus de bénéficier d'une forte couverture dans les médias sociaux, le rapport a été utilisé pour générer des articles d'opinion sur des questions pertinentes et pour fournir des présentations à un large éventail de réseaux d'activistes, d'universitaires et de donateurs. Depuis sa publication, nous avons été largement reconnus pour notre évaluation des métatendances de l'espace civique et de la démocratie, et pour la présentation d'exemples où et comment la société civile a réussi à influencer le changement. Les résultats du rapport ont été couverts par les médias, notamment par un éditorial de notre rédacteur en chef, Andrew Firmin, et une analyse de Mandeep Tiwana. La liste de surveillance de CIVICUS Monitor a également été mise à jour au cours de cette période et comprend le Tchad, la Hongrie, le Kazakhstan, le Kenya, le Mexique et le Sri Lanka.

  Cette année, la Journée Nelson Mandela (18 juillet) a marqué les deux ans de la campagne #StandAsMyWitness. L'objectif de cette initiative est de mobiliser le public et les décideurs politiques pour qu'ils agissent en faveur de la libération des prisonniers d'opinion. Cette campagne a permis de faire connaître plus de 20 militants détenus et de contribuer aux initiatives mondiales qui ont permis la libération de neuf défenseurs. À l'occasion du deuxième anniversaire de la campagne, un dialogue a été organisé avec des activistes et des réseaux liés à la campagne, ce qui a permis d'obtenir des informations importantes sur la manière dont nos efforts collectifs pourraient mieux contribuer aux luttes des défenseurs des droits humains. Notre équipe a également participé activement à la 50e session du Conseil des droits de l'homme au cours de cette période. En plus de contribuer et de soumettre d'importantes déclarations, nous avons activement participé à l'expression des demandes de la société civile sur le processus d'élection du prochain commissaire aux droits de l'homme de l'ONU, en demandant à l'ONU de renouveler son mandat d'experts sur l'orientation sexuelle et l'identité de genre, et en contribuant aux processus qui ont conduit à l'adoption d'une nouvelle résolution sur le droit de manifester pacifiquement.

  La campagne "Révolution de la solidarité avec les militants" a reçu un soutien et une attention considérables au cours de cette période. Les mises à jour des dialogues locaux et des "jam sessions" qui ont eu lieu dans cinq pays ont été partagées en ligne par une série de participants, y compris des jeunes leaders, des réseaux de base et des donateurs. Les réflexions sur les leçons à retenir de cette initiative formulées par des participants et des contributeurs tels que Dumiso Gatsha, Otto Saki et Yessenia Soto ont représenté une occasion importante de réfléchir aux questions et aux défis mis en lumière par cette initiative, ainsi qu'à sa capacité à servir de catalyseur pour une introspection plus profonde et plus difficile sur les valeurs individuelles et institutionnelles, essentielle à la concrétisation du discours sur la localisation et la décolonisation. Dans ce contexte, nous avons le plaisir de vous faire part de la réponse de 1289 organisations du Sud à la lettre conjointe adressée à l'administratrice de l'USAID, Samantha Power. La réponse, signée par Mme Power, reconnaît les priorités soulevées dans la lettre conjointe et décrit les initiatives prises pour renforcer l'engagement direct de l'USAID et son soutien aux acteurs de la société civile locale. Ces changements ont également été réaffirmés comme une priorité lors du dialogue sur la démocratie organisé entre l'administratrice de l'USAID et les dirigeants de la société civile le 16 juin.

  Parmi les nouveautés apportées par le réseau, citons le lancement du rapport de l'équipe d'action jeunesse de CIVICUS sur les tendances des jeunes en matière d'activisme et d'espace civique, et la consultation de la coalition VUKA ! avec le rapporteur spécial des Nations unies sur les défenseurs des droits de l'homme afin de contribuer à son prochain rapport thématique sur les défenseurs des droits de l'homme travaillant sur les questions de migration, de réfugiés et d'asile. En juillet 2022, a eu lieu une réunion conjointe des réseaux régionaux travaillant ensemble dans le domaine de la liberté de réunion pacifique (FoPA). La réunion a passé en revue les initiatives de collaboration organisées depuis 2021 dans le cadre d'un processus de cocréation avec six plateformes régionales afin d'identifier les besoins et les priorités spécifiques au contexte et de produire des ressources pour les soutenir en tant qu'interlocuteurs clés sur le droit à la manifestation pacifique.

  La dernière de nos initiatives, CIVICUS Lens, nous a permis de rassembler les voix et les expériences de divers groupes de la société civile pour fournir une analyse et des perspectives en temps réel sur les tendances et les développements géopolitiques. Les articles publiés dans CIVICUS Lens, ainsi que d'autres initiatives de notre travail, nous ont permis d'établir des partenariats avec des plateformes de diffusion plus larges. Tout au long des mois de juin et juillet, nous avons publié de nombreux articles d'opinion et enregistré plus de 84 citations médiatiques sur des plateformes mondiales, régionales et locales, notamment Reuters, IPS, Open Democracy, The Diplomat, Afrika NewsRoom et El País.

  Pour conclure, nous sommes fiers d'avoir récemment conclu le cycle de rapport Accountability Now pour 2021-22. Le rapport d'évaluation reconnaît la transparence et l'inclusion de CIVICUS dans la mise à jour du plan stratégique et souligne que CIVICUS est un partenaire apprécié et de confiance dont le travail est resté pertinent pour les membres à un moment où le contexte a changé très rapidement. Le rapport reconnaît également les efforts déployés pour offrir un environnement de travail sûr et équitable. Le processus d'examen a également permis d'identifier trois domaines clés à améliorer, à savoir : (i) l'amélioration des indicateurs que nous utilisons pour mesurer les progrès stratégiques ; (ii) l'amélioration de nos processus d'atténuation des risques ; et (iii) la sensibilisation du personnel et l'utilisation des mécanismes internes de règlement des griefs. Des actions visant à traiter ces domaines d'amélioration ont été identifiées et sont incluses dans ce résumé du processus qui a été publié sur le site web de CIVICUS.

  Rien de tout cela ne serait possible sans l'engagement actif de nos membres et de nos partenaires. Nous vous remercions de votre soutien et nous nous réjouissons de votre participation continue aux travaux et aux résultats au sein de l'Alliance.

  En toute solidarité,

  Lysa John

  Secrétaire général de CIVICUS

  @LysaJohnSA

• Nuevo periodo estratégico en CIVICUS: Un momento para involucrar activamente a la membresía y a nuestros aliados

  

  Un mensaje de Lysa John, secretaria general de CIVICUS

  Estimada membresía y aliados de CIVICUS,

  Este 1 de julio, comenzamos un nuevo período estratégico para la alianza CIVICUS. En esta actualización, quiero compartir con ustedes las principales novedades de los esfuerzos que hemos realizado para alinear nuestro trabajo y analizar los resultados que necesitamos en relación con nuestras prioridades estratégicas para el período 2022-2027.

  La edición número 11 de nuestro Informe sobre el estado de la sociedad civil fue publicada el 27 de junio y ha recibido una respuesta estimulante. Este informe, además de haber recibido un fuerte impulso en las redes sociales, ha servido para generar artículos de opinión sobre asuntos relevantes y para ofrecer presentaciones a una amplia gama de redes de activistas, académicos y donantes. Desde su publicación, hemos recibido un gran reconocimiento por la evaluación que hace el informe de las metatendencias en el espacio cívico y la democracia, y por mostrar ejemplos de dónde y cómo la sociedad civil ha logrado influir en el cambio. Los medios de comunicación se han hecho eco de las conclusiones del informe, como el artículo de opinión de nuestro redactor jefe, Andrew Firmin, o el análisis de Mandeep Tiwana. La lista de vigilancia de CIVICUS Monitor también ha sido actualizada en este periodo y en ella figuran Chad, Hungría, Kazajstán, Kenia, México y Sri Lanka.

  Este año, en el Día de Nelson Mandela (18 de julio), se cumplieron dos años de la campaña "Conviértete en mi testigo" (#StandAsMyWitness). El objetivo de esta iniciativa es movilizar al público y a los responsables políticos para que actúen a favor de la liberación de los presos de conciencia. La campaña ha dado a conocer a más de 20 activistas detenidos y nos ha permitido contribuir a las iniciativas mundiales que han dado como resultado la liberación de nueve defensores. En el segundo aniversario de la campaña se organizó un diálogo con activistas y redes vinculadas a la misma, que aportó importantes ideas sobre cómo nuestros esfuerzos colectivos podrían contribuir mejor a las luchas de las personas que defienden los derechos humanos. Nuestro equipo también ha participado activamente en la 50ª sesión del Consejo de Derechos Humanos en este periodo. Además de colaborar y presentar importantes declaraciones, participamos activamente haciendo oír las demandas de la sociedad civil sobre el proceso de elección del próximo Comisionado de Derechos Humanos de la ONU, pidiendo que la ONU renueve su mandato de expertos en orientación sexual e identidad de género y contribuyendo a los procesos que han llevado a la adopción de una nueva resolución sobre el derecho a la protesta pacífica.

  La campaña "Revolución solidaria para el activismo" ha recibido un apoyo y una atención considerables en este periodo. Las novedades de los diálogos locales y las jam sessions celebradas en cinco países fueron compartidas en línea por una serie de participantes, como jóvenes líderes, redes de base y donantes. Las reflexiones sobre las lecciones aprendidas de la iniciativa por parte de participantes y colaboradores como Dumiso Gatsha, Otto Saki y Yessenia Soto han supuesto una importante oportunidad para reflexionar sobre las cuestiones y los retos que está sacando a la luz esta iniciativa, y su potencial para servir de catalizador de la más profunda y difícil introspección sobre los valores individuales e institucionales que resulta esencial para llevar a cabo el discurso de la localización y la descolonización. En este contexto, nos complace informar de la respuesta que se ha recibido a la carta conjunta dirigida a la Administradora de USAID, Samantha Power, por parte de 1289 organizaciones del Sur. La respuesta, firmada por la Administradora Power, reconoce las prioridades planteadas en la carta colectiva y esboza las iniciativas que se están adoptando para reforzar el compromiso directo de USAID con los actores locales de la sociedad civil y su apoyo a los mismos. Estos cambios también se reiteraron como prioridad en el diálogo sobre la democracia organizado entre la Administradora de USAID y los líderes de la sociedad civil el 16 de junio.

  Entre las novedades impulsadas por las redes se encuentran el lanzamiento del informe del Equipo de Acción Juvenil de CIVICUS sobre tendencias juveniles en el activismo y el espacio cívico, y la consulta de la Coalición VUKA! con el Relator Especial de la ONU sobre Defensores de los Derechos Humanos para contribuir a su próximo informe temático sobre los defensores de los derechos humanos que trabajan en cuestiones relacionadas con la migración, las personas refugiadas y el asilo. En julio de 2022 también se celebró una reunión conjunta de redes regionales que trabajan conjuntamente en el ámbito de la libertad de reunión pacífica (FoPA, por sus siglas en inglés). En la reunión se revisaron las iniciativas de colaboración que se han organizado desde 2021 como parte de un proceso de cocreación con seis plataformas regionales para identificar las necesidades y prioridades específicas del contexto y para producir recursos que les sirvan de apoyo como interlocutores clave sobre el derecho a la protesta pacífica.

  La última de nuestras iniciativas, CIVICUS Lens, nos ha permitido recoger las voces y experiencias de diversos grupos de la sociedad civil para ofrecer análisis y perspectivas en tiempo real sobre las tendencias y los acontecimientos geopolíticos. Los artículos publicados en CIVICUS Lens, así como otras iniciativas de nuestro trabajo, nos han permitido establecer asociaciones con plataformas más amplias para su difusión. A lo largo de los meses de junio y julio, hemos publicado múltiples artículos de opinión y hemos registrado más de 84 citas en medios de comunicación de plataformas globales, regionales y locales, como Reuters, IPS, Open Democracy, The Diplomat, Afrika NewsRoom y El País.

  Por último, es un orgullo haber concluido recientemente el ciclo de presentación de informes de Accountability Now para 2021-22. El informe de evaluación reconoce la transparencia e inclusión de CIVICUS a la hora de llevar a cabo la actualización del plan estratégico y pone en valor a CIVICUS como un valioso y confiable socio cuyo trabajo ha seguido siendo relevante para la membresía en una época en la que el contexto ha cambiado muy rápido. También se reconocen en el informe los esfuerzos realizados para proporcionar un entorno de trabajo seguro y equitativo. En el proceso de revisión se han identificado también tres aspectos clave de mejora, que son los siguientes: (i) Mejorar los indicadores que utilizamos para medir los avances estratégicos (ii) Mejorar nuestros procesos de mitigación de riesgos, y (iii) Aumentar la concienciación del personal y el uso de los mecanismos internos para presentar quejas. Se han identificado acciones para abordar estos aspectos de mejora, que se incluyen en este resumen del proceso que ha sido publicado en la página web de CIVICUS.

  Nada de esto sería posible sin el compromiso activo de nuestra membresía y nuestros aliados. Les agradecemos su apoyo y esperamos que sigan participando en el trabajo y los resultados de la alianza.

  En solidaridad,

  Lysa John
  Secretaria general de CIVICUS
  @LysaJohnSA

• Presentación del nuevo presidente y vicepresidenta de la Junta de CIVICUS

  Nos complace anunciar que la junta directiva de CIVICUS ha elegido a Dylan Mathews como presidente de la junta y a Sonia Kwami como vicepresidenta. La decisión se tomó durante la primera reunión de la nueva cohorte de la Junta de CIVICUS, que comenzó su mandato el 1 de julio de 2022.

  Dylan Mathews es el director ejecutivo de Peace Direct, una ONG internacional con sede en el Reino Unido que tiene como objetivo trasladar el poder y los recursos a las organizaciones de la sociedad civil lideradas a nivel local que trabajan en algunos de los países más afectados por el conflicto en todo el mundo. Dylan lleva veinte años trabajando en los sectores del desarrollo internacional, la ayuda humanitaria y la consolidación de la paz, y le apasiona combatir los desequilibrios de poder y los problemas sistémicos que impiden a la sociedad civil local desempeñar un papel más activo en sus contextos. Aunque nació en el Reino Unido, Dylan es de origen de Sri Lanka, creció en Zambia, ha vivido en el Caribe y Sudán y ha apoyado a organizaciones de la sociedad civil en más de 20 países.

  "Me siento honrado y agradecido por asumir el cargo de presidente de la junta directiva", dijo Dylan Mathews. "CIVICUS es para mí la organización más dinámica y vital de la sociedad civil a nivel mundial, y no puedo pensar en ninguna otra organización en todo el mundo que haya hecho más por apoyar a la sociedad civil en un momento en el que las libertades están amenazadas en tantos países. Estoy deseando colaborar con mis colegas de la junta directiva para ayudar a impulsar la misión de CIVICUS y su ambiciosa nueva estrategia".

  Sonia Kwami es una activista y líder en el ámbito del desarrollo, a la que le apasiona trabajar con diversos grupos de personas para que se conviertan en agentes de cambio y catalizadores de la justicia. A lo largo de las dos últimas décadas, ha gestionado con éxito programas de desarrollo, incidencia política y campañas (online y offline), y ha respaldado los esfuerzos de la sociedad civil en más de 60 países, especialmente en el Sur global.

  "Ha sido un privilegio y un honor formar parte de la junta directiva de CIVICUS durante los dos últimos años", ha declarado Sonia Kwami. "En este período, he tenido la oportunidad de formar parte de una junta diversa, en la que hemos contribuido a dar forma a conversaciones críticas sobre el alcance y el impacto de la Junta, mientras trabajamos junto con el personal, los miembros y los aliados de CIVICUS para identificar las prioridades que hemos adoptado como parte del Plan Estratégico de CIVICUS para 2022-27. Estoy deseando trabajar de forma conjunta para apoyar a la sociedad civil de todo el mundo en mi nuevo papel como vicepresidenta de la Junta."

  Sonia es de Ghana y actualmente es la directora de campañas para África de ONE, un movimiento global que hace campaña para acabar con la pobreza extrema y las enfermedades prevenibles para el año 2030, para que todas las personas, en todas partes, puedan llevar una vida digna y llena de oportunidades. Como parte de este trabajo, se encarga de desarrollar, gestionar y ejecutar las campañas de ONE en África, lo que también implica trabajar estrechamente con diversos grupos de personas para exigir justicia, igualdad y rendición de cuentas a los gobiernos y responsables.

  En sus funciones de presidente y vicepresidenta de la Junta, Dylan Mathews y Sonia Kwami trabajarán en estrecha colaboración con Patricia Lerner, que sigue siendo la tesorera de la Junta de CIVICUS.

  Para más información:

• Présentation des nouveaux président et vice-présidente du conseil d'administration de CIVICUS

  Nous avons le plaisir d'annoncer que le conseil d'administration de CIVICUS a élu Dylan Mathews comme président du conseil et Sonia Kwami comme vice-présidente. Cette décision a été prise lors de la première réunion de la nouvelle cohorte du conseil d'administration de CIVICUS, qui a entamé son mandat le 1er juillet 2022.

  Dylan Mathews est le directeur général de Peace Direct, une ONG internationale basée au Royaume-Uni qui vise à transférer le pouvoir et les ressources aux organisations de la société civile dirigées localement et travaillant dans certains des pays les plus touchés par les conflits dans le monde. Dylan travaille depuis vingt ans dans les secteurs du développement international, de l'aide humanitaire et de la consolidation de la paix. Il est passionné par la lutte contre les déséquilibres de pouvoir et les problèmes systémiques qui empêchent la société civile locale de jouer un rôle plus actif dans leurs contextes. Bien que né au Royaume-Uni, Dylan est d'origine sri-lankaise, a grandi en Zambie, a vécu dans les Caraïbes et au Soudan et a soutenu des organisations de la société civile dans plus de 20 pays.

  "Je suis honoré et reconnaissant d'assumer le rôle de président du conseil d'administration", a déclaré Dylan Mathews. "CIVICUS est pour moi l'organisation de la société civile la plus dynamique et la plus vitale au monde, et je ne peux penser à aucune autre organisation dans le monde qui ait fait plus pour soutenir la société civile à un moment où les libertés sont menacées dans tant de pays. J'ai hâte de travailler avec mes collègues du conseil d'administration pour faire avancer la mission de CIVICUS et sa nouvelle stratégie ambitieuse.

  Sonia Kwami est une militante et une spécialiste du développement qui est passionnée par le travail avec divers groupes de personnes pour devenir des agents du changement et des catalyseurs de la justice. Au cours des deux dernières décennies, elle a géré avec succès des programmes de développement, des actions de plaidoyer et des campagnes (en ligne et hors ligne), et a soutenu les efforts de la société civile dans plus de 60 pays, notamment dans le Sud.

  "Ce fut un privilège et un honneur de siéger au conseil d'administration de CIVICUS au cours des deux dernières années", a déclaré Sonia Kwami. "Au cours de cette période, j'ai eu l'occasion de faire partie d'un conseil d'administration diversifié, où nous avons contribué à façonner des conversations critiques sur la portée et l'impact du Conseil, tout en travaillant ensemble avec le personnel, les membres et les partenaires de CIVICUS pour identifier les priorités que nous avons adoptées dans le cadre du plan stratégique CIVICUS 2022-27. Je me réjouis de travailler ensemble pour soutenir la société civile dans le monde entier dans mon nouveau rôle de vice-présidente du conseil d'administration."

  Sonia est originaire du Ghana et est actuellement directrice des campagnes pour l'Afrique de ONE, un mouvement mondial qui fait campagne pour mettre fin à l'extrême pauvreté et aux maladies évitables d'ici 2030, afin que tous, partout, puissent mener une vie digne et pleine d'opportunités. Dans le cadre de ce travail, elle est responsable de l'élaboration, de la gestion et de la mise en œuvre des campagnes de ONE en Afrique, ce qui implique également de travailler en étroite collaboration avec divers groupes de personnes pour exiger la justice, l'égalité et la redevabilité des gouvernements et des détenteurs d'obligations.

  Dans leurs rôles de président et de vice-présidente du conseil d'administration, Dylan Mathews et Sonia Kwami travailleront en étroite collaboration avec Patricia Lerner, qui reste la trésorière du conseil d'administration de CIVICUS.

  Pour plus d'informations :

• RUSSIA: ‘Human rights activism can be expected to increase in reaction to repression’

  CIVICUS speaks with Leonid Drabkin, a coordinator with OVD-Info, an independent human rights civil society organisation (CSO) that documents and helps the victims of political persecution in Russia. Through a hotline and other sources, OVD-Info collects information about detentions at public rallies and other cases of political persecution, publishes the news and coordinates legal assistance to detainees.

• Spotlight on the Civil Society Index - 24 Country Reports complete

  Civil society has been defined as the space between state, private sector and family or community. Today, we are witnessing what we could call a phase transition in the make-up of civil society space worldwide. Traditional boundaries between the state and the private sector have been blurred.

  CIVICUS released over 15 Civil Society Index country reports this week, bringing the total number of country reports now available to 24. The reports from countries from around the world, including Chile, Russia, Zambia and Japan, are available on the CIVICUS website, with summaries of the highlights on the CSI blog.

  Also marking this occasion, Netsanet Demissie Belay, Director, Policy and Research for CIVICUS will be a guest speaker at a seminar and workshop entitled "Concept, Relevance and Use of the Civil Society Index" coming up on April 7 in Madurodam, The Hague. Learn more about the event.

• The Commonwealth's 2.4 billion citizens — what are their rights?

  By Cathal Gilbert and Trinanjan Radhakrishnan

  There has been a lot of talk of shared values ahead of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM), due to be held in London from 16th to 20th April. Described as the biggest heads of government meeting the UK has ever hosted, leaders from 53 countries will meet to hold talks aimed at creating a “prosperous, secure, sustainable and fair future”, particularly for young people. Expect a lot of pomp and circumstance. But what about substance?

  Read on: The Hindu