No 38, August 2008

The Crisis in Georgia: Reflections from Civil Society

Interview with Mr. Irakli Vacharadze and Ms. Anna Tabidze, Georgian civil society activists** 

Following months of increased tensions, the conflict between Georgia and the breakaway region of South Ossetia escalated into war on 8 August 2008. This was followed by a Russian large-scale counter-attack into Georgian territory. A preliminary ceasefire was signed on 14-16 August 2008. In this interview, Georgian civil society activists discuss the impact of the conflict, and reflect on the gradual disintegration of civic space in their country.


1) Could you describe the current political situation in Georgia? 

Vacharadze:      If I had to answer in one word, it would be: ‘confusing.’ The situation is quite confusing in the sense that the majority of the citizens, including civil society actors do not seem to be critically reflecting upon what has been going on recently in the country. The conflicts between Georgia and Russia in 2008 about Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and in the early 1990s’ with these two autonomous republics, illuminate the perpetual state of affairs of social intolerance and acceptance in Georgia. Nationalism is fully blossoming in Georgia right now, and it is a sure guarantee that instead of soberly reflecting on its actions, the government will, once again, use the momentum to seize control over even more civil liberties. It will seek to enjoy full control over freedom in the country even though it already has a grip on the political spectrum, electronic and printed media and political institutions.  Currently, the mood is such that those who do not sing along with the newly reborn ultra-nationalistic feelings are portrayed as traitors of the nation. In sum, Georgia is headed to fall victim, once again, to an unmediated and uncontrollable style of governance that threatens its stability and judgment in political actions and decisions. 

Tabidze:            There has been a change in the political situation in Georgia since the Russian occupation. Before the Russian actions the country’s opposition parties could barely follow the same path, however they now seem to be more united then ever before. At this stage, it seems that they will continue to be united until the occupation ends and Russian forces withdraw from Georgia.  

2) How have civil society organisations been affected by the recent conflict?      

Vacharadze:      It's still too early to speak about the full repercussions of the war on civil society. However, three factors will likely play a crucial role in re-shaping the civic landscape in Georgia: 1) The 08/08 war between Russia and Georgia will provoke the necessity to rethink funding priorities among the donor community, and it will likely it make a substantial impact on the NGO community in Georgia, which depends heavily on the financial support of Western foundations for its operations (due to the absence of diversified schemes of fundraising in Georgia). 2) Organisations who work in the field of conflict transformation and refugee issues will also see funding diverted towards these issues, and at the same time they will have to halt and re-think projects like Georgian-Abkhaz forums, Georgian-South Ossetian dialogue and reconstruction projects. 3) Organisations which work in the field of human rights stand to come out as the losers of the conflict. Recent legal initiatives (e.g. introducing U.S. Patriot Act-like regulations) and political conjuncture, which discourage internal criticism in the name of displaying unity for the world to see, will gravely affect civil society’s ability to access the media and financial and other resources 

Tabidze:            The conflict between Georgia and Russia has also affected the country’s civil society. Most NGOs were immediately absorbed in the emergency situation when they came to the assistance of internally displaced people who numbered in the tens of thousands following the unexpectedly large scale of the attacks. 

3) How have civil society organisations reacted to the situation and how are they coping with the current crisis? 

Vacharadze:      They have been active in expressing political support for the government, as well providing humanitarian aid.  Several networks have approached this issue and come up with various responses, ranging from launching campaigns to offering support and coordination to aiding displaced persons. 

Tabidze:            Civil society has publicly expressed its position regarding the ongoing crisis and immediately started to respond to the needs of the population. They provided items for everyday use such as food and clothing. Georgian Young Lawyers Association (GYLA) has documented all the internally displaced people (IDPs) for further tracking and provided legal consultations, in addition to food and other basic items. 

4) Before the conflict, what were some of the challenges facing civil society (legal and otherwise)? 

Varaharadze:     The authorities have criticised opposition parties and civil society organisations for a failure to show support towards the state in a difficult time. For example, the "I'm sorry campaign" (that was intended for Georgians and Abkhaz to mutually apologise for the harm committed against each other during the conflict of the early 1990s) came under harsh public criticism from President Saakashvili in 2007. Organisations that advocated for dialogue and communication with Abzhasia were even shamed and criticised. 

Tabidze:            The challenges to civil society were mainly around the fact that the international community and donors, being the sole sources of funding for NGOs believed that civil society had already accomplished its aims and were not one of the country’s priorities. Therefore, grant amounts were cut, limiting the sector’s sphere of activities. 

5) Are there any links between civil society in Georgia, South Ossetia and Russia and how have these been affected by the conflict? 

Vacharadze:      An influential MP Nika Gvaramia from the ruling National Movement party said on 29 July that he plans to initiate a new draft law that will be "directed against extremism, including political extremism, and which will be directed against treacherous statements…I will definitely propose that the Parliamentary Committee for Legal Affairs develop a legislature similar to the one which is in the United States, I mean the Patriot Act… which will be directed against treacherous statements against the motherland." This is a rather worrisome statement, since in the absence of control mechanisms, such legal procedures can be freely abused and used against individuals and organisations with differing opinions. It may be used to silence free expressions in the Georgian public space. This is especially important in the Georgian context where the difference between political parties, political groups and civil society organisations is not always clear and transparent and thus affords both ruling and opposition circles to target civil society groups, should they feel uneasy about the criticism from these groups. For example, in recent years we have had multiple cases where civil society activists, such as those of the Equality Institute, were arrested for public disobedience and other charges.  

6) Looking forward, what do you think will be some of the challenges civil society in the region will face in the future? 

Vacharadze:      Issues of transparency: An enormous amount of funding is expected to flow in Georgia in the form of humanitarian and development aid. As was the case in the early 1990s, the distribution schemes and transparency of management of these funds has always been a largely ignored, but it remains a significant issue in Georgia. Georgia has been historically, during last two decades, world's one of the largest recipients of foreign aid, but it hasn't managed to put it to public use.

Freedom of expression:
The proposed legislation (similar to the US Patriot Act) lacks any controls, despite Mr. Saakashvili's promises that it would not be used to limit civil liberties. Politically, the United National Movement has an absolute majority in the Parliament, with almost no opposition representatives present in the legislative body. In terms of civil society, most of the organisations active in the field of human rights have suffered “emigration” (i.e. many representatives of NGO sector moved to the government). And in terms of the media, Georgia currently has no independent media outlets left. All TV stations are pursuing pro-government propaganda policy. The internet and printed media have only a marginal role in influencing public opinion in Georgia. 

Tabidze:            The work will be enormous, civil society will have to primarily concentrate on the needs which have arisen because of the conflict, and provide its expertise on a number of challenges, with a focus on further supporting the IDPs. However, the overall aim of civil society in Georgia will remain unchanged, including development of the rule of law, knowledge sharing, etc. 

7) What are the main human rights concerns in the region at present that require urgent attention? 

Vacharadze:      The international community needs to mount pressure on the Georgian government so that "minor rights" do not get sacrificed in the name of fighting external threats. Recently, that is what we have seen – people arrested and immediately put on TV without being declared guilty by the courts, attacks on private property by various representatives of fiscal bodies and the financial police, public derogatory speeches made by the President himself and other high-ranking officials towards those who dared to criticise their actions. For example, at http://media.ge/eng/index.php you can see a physical assault on a journalist who criticised the local administration in the town of Gori for failing to adequately accommodate refugees from South Ossetia. 

Tabidze:            All the problems in terms of human rights can easily be grouped together – the lack of the rule of law and a fair and impartial judicial system. As a result of the reforms carried out in Georgia, the power of judges is extremely limited and subject to the increased powers of the law enforcement communities.  

8) How can the international community support civil society in Georgia? 

Vacharadze:      There is an urgent need to support alternative media outlets and civil society organisations with alternative views. When there are no outlets for opinions and concerns that differ from official positions, any creative or independent idea is doomed to fail.  

Tabidze:            Support the democratic development of Georgia, stress need for the rule of law, impartiality and independence of the judiciary. This is probably one of the most important tasks.

 

**Irakli Vacharadze is a Georgian activist, who has worked in civil society in the sphere of gender and participation, and has been involved in youth, human rights and anti-corruption movements through various civil society organisations in Georgia and abroad. Presently, he works as a Programme Coordinator for the South Caucasus Regional office of the Heinrich Boll Foundation (HBF). HBF seeks to contribute to the formation of free, fair and tolerant societies in the South Caucasus region. More info can be found at www.boell.ge

Anna Tabidze is a member of Georgian Young Lawyers Association (GYLA), one of the most prominent NGOs in Georgia. GYLA was founded in 1994. It is a professional, membership-based organisation with nearly 600 members operating in seven cities of Georgia.   

The opinions expressed in this interview are their own, and not representative of their organisations’ positions.

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